Mafanikio ya Udugu wa Kiislamu katika Uchaguzi wa Kutunga Sheria nchini Misri 2005

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In the context of an unprecedented opening of the political system in Egypt in 2004/2005, Muslim Brotherhood (MB) scored an impressive success in the 2005 legislative elections that showed that the mainstream non-violent Islamist movement, despite the legal ban of the movement itself and of its political activities, is the only influential and organised political opposition in the face of the veteran National Democratic Party (NDP).Reasons for the Muslim Brotherhood’s electoral success in 2005The first set of reasons for the MB’s success is related to the changes that occurred in the political context. Above all, the first presidential elections that took place in September 2005 had a direct impact on the legislative elections in November the same year: By opening up competition for the post of the president, the election signalled the unprecedented impasse of the regime seeking to patch up its legitimacy. In addition, civic protest movements had emerged that rejected the political system much more fundamentally and called for comprehensive reform. The most important of these has been the dynamic protest movement called the Egyptian Movement for Change, Kifaya. Hata hivyo, as a second set of factors, the regime itself can also be considered a factor in the MB’s rising influence: The NDP and government officials have relied heavily on religious arguments; they have oppressed secular or liberal opponents; they have nourished obscurantist religious trends in Al-Azhar and among religious groups; and they have let the MB take charge of welfare services in order to save on the state budget. Pia, the regime has allowed Islamist activists to enter trade unions, while reserving the leadership positions for the NDP. There is a third set of reasons for the MB’s success which is related to the movement’s long term strategy to build a societal base: The MB’s strategic approach has been to invest in welfare services so as to build a large power base among the population that they are able to mobilize politically. And indeed, not only have many MB candidates gained credibility and respect through their daily contacts with the people, the movement has been investing in the social sphere for more than 30 miaka. In a society in which 40 percent of the population lives under the poverty line and the political participation rate is only 25 percent, providing services in all vital sectors – education, health, and employment – has proved to be the fastest and most successful way to gain supporters. Fourth, using the religious sphere as a place for political mobilisation has been a successful strategy of the MB. Those affiliated with the MB, members and sympathizers, often saw it as a religious duty to vote for a candidate of the movement. Despite the doubts the slogan “Islam is the solution” raised among many, the MB continued to use it because it wanted to focus on religion as the determining factor for the vote, and because it had gained the trust of the people as being the movement representing Islamic identity. On top of this, the movement was able to make use of the unprecedented coincidence of growing internal and external pressures on the regime, by starting open and direct political activity in the name of the movement. The MB has also understood the importance of rallying with other opposition forces, and it has sought coordination with these forces for creating more pressure on the regime. Related to this is another important factor for the MB’s success: its organisational capacity.Has the MB changed its agenda and priorities?While the MB has opted to participate peacefully in the political process in Egypt, it remains unclear as to whether it represents a genuine democratic force or if it will use the democratic opening to pursue an authoritarian agenda. Hata, ushiriki katika mfumo wa kisiasa tayari umebadilisha harakati. Wakati wa 2005 Kampeni za uchaguzi dhana za "demokrasia" na "ushiriki wa kisiasa" ziliingia katika matamshi na matamshi ya MB., muhimu zaidi, katika mikakati yake ya kisiasa ya kuunda mitandao ya mashinani kwa uungwaji mkono wa watu wengi. Uzoefu wa kufafanua mpango wa kisiasa kwa ajili ya uchaguzi wa wabunge ulisukuma harakati hiyo kufafanua hadharani misimamo yake juu ya dhana kama vile wingi wa vyama - jambo ambalo hapo awali lilikataliwa katika baadhi ya mielekeo ya mawazo ya Kiislamu kama "al-tahazzub" (ushabiki) kwa hoja kwamba Uislamu unaitaka umoja wa taifa badala ya kugawanyika kwake. MB inaweza kuchukuliwa kuwa sehemu ya vikosi vya mageuzi vya Misri, lakini kimsingi ni hivyo kwa sababu inakubaliana na wanamageuzi wengine wa kisiasa kuhusu zana za kuleta mageuzi.: utawala wa sheria, utawala bora na uchaguzi huru. Shughuli za MB Bungeni hadi sasa zimeonyesha kujitolea kwao kuwatumikia wapiga kura wao na kudumisha uaminifu.. Wamekuwa na ufanisi zaidi katika kushughulikia mahitaji ya umma, katika kufichua kesi za ufisadi na kuingiliana kwa haraka na waathiriwa wa dhuluma kuliko manaibu wengine. Kama ilivyojadiliwa hapo juu, mabadiliko ya kisiasa nchini Misri hadi sasa hayajamaanisha hatua muhimu kuelekea demokrasia. Kwanza, hii imeakisi shirika la MB, mkakati na ajenda. The “mutual fear reflex” as an outcome of the relationship between the illegal MB and the regime has required the movement to adopt a strategy of secrecy which prevents them from being transparent for security reasons. Pia, maintaining ambiguous positions is a defence mechanism used by both Islamist and non-Islamist opposition forces in Egypt.

Filed Chini: MakalaMisriFeaturedMasuala yaMashariki ya KatiMuslim Brotherhood

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