الاخوة المعارضين

Founded in 1928, الإخوان مسلم (ميغابايت) has never experienced a leadership crisis as serious as that which erupted two weeks ago. As is now well-known, the problem originated with the refusal on the part of the MB’s Guidance Bureau (the organisation’s highest executive body) to accept Essam El-Erian as a member to replace Mohamed Hilal following the latter’s death four weeks ago. It was a clear act of defiance against Supreme Guide Mohamed Mahdi Akef who wanted to promote El-Erian and who maintained that the MB’s internal regulations gave him that right. In response to the refusal Akef has threatened to resign and designated most of his powers to his first deputy, Mohamed Habib.
Of course, the crisis goes much deeper than the question of El-Erian’s promotion. This is not the first time the supreme guide has encountered resistance. The problem is rooted in the way the MB handles its internal disputes and in its reading of the Egyptian political scene as it touches upon the organisation’s image and activities. Although in the course of the past two decades the MB has managed to deal clearly and firmly with internal opposition, disciplining and marginalising dissenters, it has signally failed to benefit from any intellectual and ideological diversity among its ranks. As a consequence, it has forfeited an important political asset which it desperately needs in its confrontations with adversaries.
The tensions in the upper echelons of the MB hierarchy are too sharp to be swept under the carpet in the usual way. The supreme guide has set himself against the will of the conservative wing of the leadership over the promotion of El-Erian, whom he believes deserves a chance to serve on the Guidance Bureau. But regardless of what actions he takes, including the threat to resign, there are unmistakable signs that he will be unable to reign in the conservatives. Since becoming head of the movement in January 2004 Akef has worked hard to maintain smooth relations between the different ideological trends within the MB. Almost always, ومع ذلك, his efforts have come at the expense of the reformists or pragmatists, whether because of the relative weakness of their influence within the organisation compared to the conservatives or because he feared a rift that would render the organisation vulnerable to the regime’s political and security tactics.
That tensions have reached their current pitch is due to the brewing conflict over the succession to the office Akef now holds. In March Akef announced that he did not intend to nominate himself for a new term, which would begin on 13 January. His decision marked the first time in the group’s history that a supreme guide has voluntarily stepped down at the height of his career. All six of his predecessors died while still in office. Akef’s unprecedented and, apparently, unexpected decision, triggered an initially silent power struggle over who would fill his post. Interestingly, the struggle has not been between conservatives and reformists, but rather between hardliners and pragmatists inside the conservative camp.
The current situation is significant for several reasons. Rarely have internal differences bubbled over into public view. This time, ومع ذلك, the main players have been vying ferociously for media attention.
Then there is Akef’s threat, subsequently denied, that he would resign. إن دفع عاكف إلى مثل هذه الخطوة يعكس حجم الضغوط والغضب الذي واجهه خلال فترة ولايته التي استمرت قرابة ست سنوات.. بعد أن كان بمثابة العارضة بين الاتجاهات المتنوعة, تهديد عاكف يجب أن يعكس إحساسه بالفشل في فحص المحافظين’ الهيمنة على جميع هيئات المنظمة وآليات صنع القرار.
كما أن تفويض عاكف للعديد من صلاحياته إلى نائبه الأول أمر غير مسبوق, فضلا عن انتهاكها للوائح الداخلية للمجموعة. مقالة - سلعة 6 من ميثاق الإخوان المسلمين ينص على أن المرشد الأعلى يمكنه ترك منصبه بثلاثة شروط — ضعف أداء واجباته, استقالة أو موت. وبما أن أيا من هذه الشروط لم يحصل عاكف فليس له الحق في تفويض مسؤولياته إلى نائبه الأول.
The crisis has thrown into relief a major problem in the MB’s constitutional structure, the lack of an institutionalised arbitrating authority capable of settling disputes between the supreme guide and the Guidance Bureau. It has also demonstrated that many of the group’s internal taboos regarding reverence for, and uncritical obedience to, its leaders have cracked.
The MB leadership will undoubtedly attempt to resolve the crisis as quickly as possible, so that it does not spread through the movement’s rank and file. For this reason, the MB’s General Shura Council will hold elections for the next supreme guide within the next couple of weeks. Even so, it is doubtful that the new leader will enjoy the same level of prestige as his predecessors and will, as a consequence, يتم إعاقتها في أي محاولات للحفاظ على التوازن داخل المجموعة. ولا سكرتير الاخوان المسلمين- اللواء محمود عزت, او النائب الاول للمرشد الاعلى محمد حبيب, المتنافسان الرئيسيان لهذا المنصب, تتمتع بشرعية عاكف التاريخية, آخر جيل مؤسسي الإخوان المسلمين.
لكن انتخاب المرشد الأعلى القادم ليس هو المشكلة الوحيدة التي يجب أن يتصدى لها الإخوان المسلمون. لا تقل أهمية, أو إشكالية, هي الحاجة لانتخاب مكتب إرشاد جديد. تم انتخاب المكتب الحالي في 1995, منذ ذلك الوقت تمت إضافة بعض الأعضاء من خلال الترقية, كما كان الحال مع محمد مرسي الذي أصبح رئيسًا للجنة السياسية في 2004, وغيرها عن طريق الانتخابات الجزئية في 2008. كان ينبغي إجراء انتخابات شاملة للمكتب قبل عام, عقب انتخاب مجلس شورى محمد بن سلمان الجديد والمسؤول عن اختيار أعضاء مكتب الإرشاد والمرشد الأعلى..
تدخل جماعة الإخوان المسلمين مرحلة حساسة للغاية في تاريخها. حتى لو تمكن قادة جماعة الإخوان المسلمين من التغلب على الأزمة الحالية, ستستمر آثاره في التذبذب تحت السطح و, مما لا شك فيه, تندلع مرة أخرى.

Khalil Al-anani

Esam

Founded in 1928, الإخوان مسلم (ميغابايت) has never experienced a leadership crisis as serious as that which erupted two weeks ago. As is now well-known, the problem originated with the refusal on the part of the MB’s Guidance Bureau (the organisation’s highest executive body) to accept Essam El-Erian as a member to replace Mohamed Hilal following the latter’s death four weeks ago. It was a clear act of defiance against Supreme Guide Mohamed Mahdi Akef who wanted to promote El-Erian and who maintained that the MB’s internal regulations gave him that right. In response to the refusal Akef has threatened to resign and designated most of his powers to his first deputy, Mohamed Habib.

Of course, the crisis goes much deeper than the question of El-Erian’s promotion. This is not the first time the supreme guide has encountered resistance. The problem is rooted in the way the MB handles its internal disputes and in its reading of the Egyptian political scene as it touches upon the organisation’s image and activities. Although in the course of the past two decades the MB has managed to deal clearly and firmly with internal opposition, disciplining and marginalising dissenters, it has signally failed to benefit from any intellectual and ideological diversity among its ranks. As a consequence, it has forfeited an important political asset which it desperately needs in its confrontations with adversaries.

The tensions in the upper echelons of the MB hierarchy are too sharp to be swept under the carpet in the usual way. The supreme guide has set himself against the will of the conservative wing of the leadership over the promotion of El-Erian, whom he believes deserves a chance to serve on the Guidance Bureau. But regardless of what actions he takes, including the threat to resign, there are unmistakable signs that he will be unable to reign in the conservatives. Since becoming head of the movement in January 2004 Akef has worked hard to maintain smooth relations between the different ideological trends within the MB. Almost always, ومع ذلك, his efforts have come at the expense of the reformists or pragmatists, whether because of the relative weakness of their influence within the organisation compared to the conservatives or because he feared a rift that would render the organisation vulnerable to the regime’s political and security tactics.

That tensions have reached their current pitch is due to the brewing conflict over the succession to the office Akef now holds. In March Akef announced that he did not intend to nominate himself for a new term, which would begin on 13 January. His decision marked the first time in the group’s history that a supreme guide has voluntarily stepped down at the height of his career. All six of his predecessors died while still in office. Akef’s unprecedented and, apparently, unexpected decision, triggered an initially silent power struggle over who would fill his post. Interestingly, the struggle has not been between conservatives and reformists, but rather between hardliners and pragmatists inside the conservative camp.

The current situation is significant for several reasons. Rarely have internal differences bubbled over into public view. This time, ومع ذلك, the main players have been vying ferociously for media attention.

Then there is Akef’s threat, subsequently denied, that he would resign. إن دفع عاكف إلى مثل هذه الخطوة يعكس حجم الضغوط والغضب الذي واجهه خلال فترة ولايته التي استمرت قرابة ست سنوات.. بعد أن كان بمثابة العارضة بين الاتجاهات المتنوعة, تهديد عاكف يجب أن يعكس إحساسه بالفشل في فحص المحافظين’ الهيمنة على جميع هيئات المنظمة وآليات صنع القرار.

كما أن تفويض عاكف للعديد من صلاحياته إلى نائبه الأول أمر غير مسبوق, فضلا عن انتهاكها للوائح الداخلية للمجموعة. مقالة - سلعة 6 من ميثاق الإخوان المسلمين ينص على أن المرشد الأعلى يمكنه ترك منصبه بثلاثة شروط — ضعف أداء واجباته, استقالة أو موت. وبما أن أيا من هذه الشروط لم يحصل عاكف فليس له الحق في تفويض مسؤولياته إلى نائبه الأول.

The crisis has thrown into relief a major problem in the MB’s constitutional structure, the lack of an institutionalised arbitrating authority capable of settling disputes between the supreme guide and the Guidance Bureau. It has also demonstrated that many of the group’s internal taboos regarding reverence for, and uncritical obedience to, its leaders have cracked.

The MB leadership will undoubtedly attempt to resolve the crisis as quickly as possible, so that it does not spread through the movement’s rank and file. For this reason, the MB’s General Shura Council will hold elections for the next supreme guide within the next couple of weeks. Even so, it is doubtful that the new leader will enjoy the same level of prestige as his predecessors and will, as a consequence, يتم إعاقتها في أي محاولات للحفاظ على التوازن داخل المجموعة. ولا سكرتير الاخوان المسلمين- اللواء محمود عزت, او النائب الاول للمرشد الاعلى محمد حبيب, المتنافسان الرئيسيان لهذا المنصب, تتمتع بشرعية عاكف التاريخية, آخر جيل مؤسسي الإخوان المسلمين.

لكن انتخاب المرشد الأعلى القادم ليس هو المشكلة الوحيدة التي يجب أن يتصدى لها الإخوان المسلمون. لا تقل أهمية, أو إشكالية, هي الحاجة لانتخاب مكتب إرشاد جديد. تم انتخاب المكتب الحالي في 1995, منذ ذلك الوقت تمت إضافة بعض الأعضاء من خلال الترقية, كما كان الحال مع محمد مرسي الذي أصبح رئيسًا للجنة السياسية في 2004, وغيرها عن طريق الانتخابات الجزئية في 2008. كان ينبغي إجراء انتخابات شاملة للمكتب قبل عام, عقب انتخاب مجلس شورى محمد بن سلمان الجديد والمسؤول عن اختيار أعضاء مكتب الإرشاد والمرشد الأعلى..

تدخل جماعة الإخوان المسلمين مرحلة حساسة للغاية في تاريخها. حتى لو تمكن قادة جماعة الإخوان المسلمين من التغلب على الأزمة الحالية, ستستمر آثاره في التذبذب تحت السطح و, مما لا شك فيه, تندلع مرة أخرى.

تم النشر في Al-ahram Weekly

قدمت في إطار: مقالاتEgyptالمميزجماعة الاخوان المسلمين

السمات:

عن المؤلف: إخوانسكوب هو موقع مستقل غير ربحي مسلم تقدمي ومعتدل, - التركيز بشكل أساسي على أيديولوجية الإخوان المسلمين. يهتم موقع إخوانسكوب بجميع المقالات المنشورة المتعلقة بأي حركات تتبع مدرسة فكرية الإخوان المسلمين في جميع أنحاء العالم..

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