Muslimiveljeskunta: Hasan al-Hudaybi ja ideologia

Barbara HE. ZÖLLNER

Hasan Ismail al-Hudaybi led the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood during a time of crisis and dissolution. Menestyminen Hasan al-Banna ", who was the founder and first leader of the organisation, al-Hudaybi was to be its head for more than twenty years. Aikana hänen johdollaan hän kohtasi ankaraa kritiikkiä muilta Brothers.

Vallankumouksen jälkeen heinäkuussa 1952, he was pitted against the antagonism of Abd al-Nasir, who became increasingly infl uential in the council of leading Free Officers. Abd al-Nasir’s determination to thwart the cause of the Brotherhood and its infl uence on society was part of his path to absolute rule. Considering the signifi cance of al-Hudaybi’s years as leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, On hämmästyttävää, että on vähän tieteellistä työtä aiheesta.

When taking into account that his moderate ideas continue to have a strong infl uence on the policy and attitude of today’s Muslim Brotherhood, g. his conciliatory position towards the state system and his refutation of radical ideas, the fact that so little attention is paid to his writing is even more startling. Varmasti, there has been interest in the Muslim Brotherhood.

There are quite extensive studies available on Hasan al-Banna’: the founder and fi rst leader of the Muslim Brotherhood has been described as a model figure of Islamic campaigning; others depict him as the originator of threatening political activism in the name of Islam.

There has been even more interest in the ideas of Sayyid Qutb; some see him as the ideologue of Islamist radicalism, jonka käsitteet koulutettu ääriryhmiä; others describe him as a victim of state persecution who developed a theology of liberation in reaction to his maltreatment.

Epäilemättä, it is important to examine the work of these thinkers in order to understand currents of Islamist ideology and Islamist movements. Riippumatta tuomio al-Banna ja Qutb, it is a fact that certain ideas of the two thinkers have been incorporated into the modern-day Muslim Brotherhood.

Kuitenkin, this focus has led to an incorrect perception that the Islamic movement is necessarily radical in its thinking and/or militant in its deeds, oletus, joka on, viime vuosina, been questioned by a number of scholars, joukossa John L. Edwards, Fred Halliday, Francois Burgat, and Gudrun Krämer.

The following study of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood under the leadership of Hasan al-Hudaybi will form an addition to these theses, addressing and reassessing the viewpoint that political Islam is a monolithic block, all in all disposed towards violent means.

There are reasons why al-Hudaybi is hardly mentioned in the literature on the Muslim Brotherhood. The fi rst that comes to mind is the observation that Islamist movements are, mennessä määritellä nition, nähdään pohjimmiltaan radikaali, anti-democratic and anti-Western.

This reasoning questions any distinction between moderate Islamism and its radical counterpart. The argument goes that both have the objective of establishing an Islamic state system, that they both aim to replace existing secular governance and that they therefore differ only in the degree of their methods, mutta ei periaatteessa.

Tämä kirja, kuitenkin, clearly joins the scholarly circle on political Islam, which identifi es arguments such as these as neo-Orientalist. As Esposito shows, this approach to political Islam is based on what he terms ‘secular fundamentalism’.

Ulkoista näkymää poliittisen islamin koskee lähinnä radikaali ajatus, ja tämä voi johtua luominen, taholta valtapolitiikan, of a fear of Islam as a religion, joka on erilainen, outo ja näennäisesti vastustaa

Länsimaisen ajattelun. Vaihtoehtoisesti, it may be because radical or even militant groups are constantly appearing in the media by reason of their actions. Itse asiassa, militant Islamists actually seek such publicity.

While radical thought and militant action make it necessary to study extremist groups, the focus on terrorism in the name of Islam marginalises moderate Islamists.

It also makes it difficult to explain the differences between radical and moderate Islamism. Voimassa, the scholarly focus on radical or militant groups reinforces the generally negative public perception of Islam in the West.

A further reason why al-Hudaybi in particular has not been studied by Western scholars has to do with the internal affairs of the Brotherhood. It is astonishing that his name is not mentioned much by the writers of the Muslim Brotherhood itself. Ei ole yksinkertaista selitystä.

One reason may be that members particularly stress their sympathies for al-Banna’, depicting him as an ideal leader who died for his activist convictions. Kuitenkin, as many Brothers endured imprisonment, hard labour and even torture insideAbd al-Nasir’s prisons and camps, their personal histories have resulted in a dearth of discourse on Hasan al-Hudaybi.

Näin, there is a tendency to remember al-Hudaybi’s period of leadership as a time of near defeat and destruction. Edelleen, the experiences of the persecuted are caught in the ambiguous relationship between forgetting and reappraisal.

Many personal accounts of the time have been published since the mid 1970s, 2 kertomisen tarinoita kidutuksen ja korostaa tiukkuutta uskon. Only a few of the books written by Muslim Brothers take a broader approach, which includes discussion of a crisis within the organisation and of al-Hudaybi’s part therein. Those authors who do tackle this issue not only reveal the society’s weak position vis-à-vis Abd al-Nasir, mutta myös paljastaa merkkejä hajoamisesta sisällä

Muslimiveljeskunta. 3 Tämä on johtanut erilaisiin asenteet al-Hudaybi, with most portraying him as an incompetent leader lacking the charismatic personality of his predecessor, al-Banna ". Erityisesti, he was accused of not commanding the authority to bring together the different wings of the Muslim Brotherhood or to adopt a strong position in relation to the authoritarian state system.

In the latter view lies an ambiguity, for it would appear to show al-Hudaybi not just as a failure, mutta myös uhri poliittinen tilanne. Lopuksi, these accounts reveal an ideological gap which opened at the beginning of the period of persecution in 1954.

Jossain määrin, Sayyid Qutb fi lled tämän puutteen. During his imprisonment he developed a radical approach, rejecting the then state system as illegitimate and ‘un-Islamic’. In developing a revolutionary concept and explaining thereby the reasons underlying the persecution, he turned the condition of victimisation into one of pride.

Näin, Hän antoi monta vangittiin muslimi Brothers, particularly young members, ideologia, että he voivat pitää kiinni.

It has to be said that al-Hudaybi did not react decisively to the situation of internal crisis and dissolution. Todellakin, to a certain extent his indecisiveness triggered this situation.

Tämä oli erityisen ilmeistä aikana vainon (1954–71), when he omitted to provide any guidelines to help in overcoming the feeling hopelessness ushered in by Abd al-Nasir’s mass imprisonments. His reaction to the radical ideas which fl ourished in the prisons and camps among certain, Erityisesti nuorille, jäsenet tulivat melko myöhään.

Vaikka sitten, his scholarly and juridical argumentation did not have the same sweeping effect as Sayyid Qutb’s writings. Vuonna 1969, al-Hudaybi proposed a moderate concept in his writing Duat la Qudat (Saarnaajat eivät tuomarit).

Tämä kirjallinen, which was secretly distributed among fellow Brothers, is considered the fi rst substantial refutation of Sayyid Qutb’s ideas. 5 Qutb, joka hirtettiin 1966, was by then considered to be a martyr, hänen ajatuksensa jo nyt huomattava infl uence.

This does not mean that the majority of Muslim Brothers did not pursue a moderate approach, but the lack of guidelines left them voiceless and reinforced the perception of al-Hudaybi as a weak leader.

Kuitenkin, al-Hudayb’is moderate thought had an impact on his fellow Muslim Brothers. Kun yleinen armahdus ja 1971, al-Hudaybi played a major part in the re-establishment of the organisation. Vaikka hän kuoli 1973, his moderate and conciliatory ideas continued to be relevant.

The fact that close companions such as Muhammad Hamid Abu Nasr, Umar al-Tilmisani and Muhammad Mashhur, joka kuoli hiljattain, succeeded him as leaders shows the continuance of his thought.

Lisäksi, his son Ma’mun al-Hudaybi has played a major role in his capacity as the Brotherhood’s secretary and spokesman.

Another reason why his thinking became important lies in the changed attitude towards the Muslim Brotherhood since Anwar al-Sadat’s presidency. Al-Sadat, who succeeded Abd al-Nasir, released the imprisoned Brothers and offered the organisation a half-legal though not offi cially recognised status.

Kestäneen uudelleenjärjestelyn (1971–77) jälkeen, during which the government lifted the censorship of books written by Muslim Brothers. Monet muistelmat aiemmin vangittuna jäsenistä julkaistiin, such as Zaynab al-Ghazali’s account or al-Hudaybi’s book Du<että anna Qudat (Saarnaajat eivät tuomarit).

Että menneisyyden käsitteleminen, these books did not merely preserve the memory of the cruelties of Abd al-Nasir’s persecution.

Al-Sadat followed his own agenda when he allowed these publications to fi ll the market; this was a deliberate political stratagem, implying a change of direction and aimed at distancing the new government from the old.

The posthumous publication of al-Hudaybi’s writings was not merely aimed at providing ideological guidance to the Muslim Brothers; they were distributed because of their statements against radical thought, ja olivat siis käsitellä uusia ja kasvavia ongelmia, namely the establishment of Islamist groups, which began to fi ght actively against the political system in the early 1970s. Näin mitattuna, Duat la Qudat remains an important critique of radical thought.

Hasan al-Hudaybi päätavoitteena oli muuttaa yhteiskuntaa, i. Egyptin yhteiskunnan, joka, Hänen mielestään, ei ollut tietoinen poliittinen luonne islamilaisen uskon. Näin, real change could only be brought about through creating awareness and by tackling the issue of Islamic identity (toisin kuin Länsi käsitys).

Only through developing a sense of Islamic consciousness could the ultimate goal of the establishment of an Islamic society be reached. Koska tämä lähestymistapa, al-Hudaybi refuted revolutionary overthrow, instead preaching gradual development from within. Tärkeä asia oli siis koulutuksen ja sosiaalisen osallistumisen, as well as participation in the political system, houkutteleva avulla tehtävän ( Dawa ) to the consciousness of the individual believer.

Tämä polku hänen nyt seuraa päivän Muslim Brotherhood, which endeavors to be recognised as a political party and which infl uences political decision making by infi ltrating the political participatory structures (eduskunta, hallinto, kansalaisjärjestöt).

This study of the Muslim Brotherhood from the 1950s until the early 1970s, vuoksi, is not only a piece of research into the modern political history of Egypt and an analysis of a religious ideology, but has also a relationship to current politics.