Orang Arab Esok

DAVID B. OTTAWAY

Oktober 6, 1981, dimaksudkan untuk menjadi hari perayaan di Mesir. Ia menandakan ulang tahun detik kemenangan terbesar Mesir dalam tiga konflik Arab-Israel, apabila tentera underdog negara itu melintasi Terusan Suez pada hari-hari pembukaan 1973 Perang Yom Kippur dan menyebabkan tentera Israel terkial-kial berundur. Dalam keadaan sejuk, pagi tanpa awan, stadium Kaherah penuh sesak dengan keluarga Mesir yang datang untuk melihat tentera memperkasakan perkakasannya. Di tempat peninjauan, Presiden Anwar el-Sadat,arkitek perang, memerhati dengan penuh kepuasan ketika lelaki dan mesin berarak di hadapannya. Saya berada berdekatan, seorang wartawan asing yang baru tiba.Tiba-tiba, salah satu trak tentera berhenti betul-betul di hadapan tempat peninjauan ketika enam jet Mirage menderu di atas kepala dalam persembahan akrobatik, melukis langit dengan denai merah yang panjang, kuning, ungu,dan asap hijau. Sadat berdiri, nampaknya sedang bersedia untuk bertukar tabik hormat dengan satu lagi kontinjen tentera Mesir. Dia menjadikan dirinya sasaran sempurna untuk empat pembunuh Islam yang melompat dari trak, menyerbu podium, dan memenuhi tubuhnya dengan peluru. Ketika pembunuh terus melakukan apa yang kelihatannya selama-lamanya untuk menyemburkan tembakan mematikan mereka, Saya mempertimbangkan untuk seketika sama ada untuk memukul tanah dan berisiko mati dipijak oleh penonton yang panik atau terus berjalan dan berisiko terkena peluru sesat. Naluri memberitahu saya untuk terus berdiri, dan rasa tugas kewartawanan saya mendorong saya untuk mengetahui sama ada Sadat masih hidup atau sudah mati.

Islam dan Pembentukan Kuasa Negara

seyyed vali reza nasr

Dalam 1979 Jeneral Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, pemerintah tentera Pakistan, mengisytiharkan bahawa Pakistan akan menjadi negara Islam. Nilai dan norma Islam akan menjadi asas identiti negara, undang-undang, ekonomi, dan hubungan sosial, dan akan memberi inspirasi kepada semua pembuatan dasar. Dalam 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, perdana menteri Malaysia yang baharu, memperkenalkan pelan berasaskan luas yang serupa untuk mengukuhkan pembuatan dasar negara dalam nilai-nilai Islam, dan untuk membawa undang-undang dan amalan ekonomi negaranya selaras dengan ajaran Islam. Mengapa pemerintah-pemerintah ini memilih jalan “Islamisasi” untuk negara mereka? Dan bagaimana negara-negara pascakolonial sekular satu masa menjadi agen Islamisasi dan petanda negara Islam "sebenar"?
Malaysia dan Pakistan telah sejak akhir 1970-an–awal 1980-an mengikuti laluan unik ke arah pembangunan yang menyimpang daripada pengalaman negara-negara Dunia Ketiga yang lain. Di kedua-dua negara ini identiti agama telah diintegrasikan ke dalam ideologi negara untuk memberitahu matlamat dan proses pembangunan dengan nilai-nilai Islam.
Aku janji ini juga telah memberikan gambaran yang sangat berbeza tentang hubungan antara Islam dan politik dalam masyarakat Islam. Di Malaysia dan Pakistan, ia telah menjadi institusi negara dan bukannya aktivis Islam (mereka yang menganjurkan pembacaan politik Islam; juga dikenali sebagai revivalis atau fundamentalis) that have been the guardians of Islam and the defenders of its interests. This suggests a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, dan secara lebih luas bagaimana budaya dan agama memenuhi keperluan kuasa dan pembangunan negara. Analisis di sini bergantung kepada perbincangan teori
dalam sains sosial tingkah laku negara dan peranan budaya dan agama di dalamnya. Lebih penting, ia membuat kesimpulan daripada kes-kes yang sedang diperiksa untuk membuat kesimpulan yang lebih luas yang menarik minat disiplin.

FEMINISME ANTARA SEKULARISME DAN ISLAMISME: KES PALESTIN

Dr, Islah Jad

Pilihan raya perundangan yang diadakan di Tebing Barat dan Semenanjung Gaza pada 2006 membawa kuasa gerakan Islam Hamas, yang seterusnya membentuk majoriti Majlis Perundangan Palestin dan juga kerajaan Hamas majoriti pertama. Pilihan raya ini menyebabkan pelantikan menteri wanita pertama Hamas, yang menjadi Menteri Hal Ehwal Wanita. Antara Mac 2006 dan Jun 2007, dua menteri wanita Hamas yang berbeza menyandang jawatan ini, tetapi kedua-duanya sukar untuk menguruskan Kementerian kerana kebanyakan kakitangannya bukan ahli Hamas tetapi milik parti politik lain, dan kebanyakannya adalah ahli Fatah, gerakan dominan yang mengawal kebanyakan institusi Pihak Berkuasa Palestin. Tempoh tegang perjuangan antara wanita Hamas di Kementerian Hal Ehwal Wanita dan ahli wanita Fatah berakhir berikutan pengambilalihan kuasa Hamas di Semenanjung Gaza dan akibat kejatuhan kerajaannya di Tebing Barat – perjuangan yang kadang-kadang berubah menjadi ganas. Satu sebab yang kemudiannya disebut untuk menjelaskan perjuangan ini ialah perbezaan antara wacana feminis sekular dan wacana Islamis mengenai isu wanita. Dalam konteks Palestin perselisihan ini mengambil sifat berbahaya kerana ia digunakan untuk mewajarkan mengekalkan perjuangan politik berdarah., penyingkiran wanita Hamas daripada jawatan atau jawatan mereka, dan jurang politik dan geografi yang berlaku pada masa itu di Tebing Barat dan Semenanjung Gaza yang diduduki.
Perjuangan ini menimbulkan beberapa persoalan penting: patutkah kita menghukum gerakan Islam yang telah berkuasa, atau patutkah kita mempertimbangkan sebab-sebab yang membawa kepada kegagalan Fateh dalam arena politik? Bolehkah feminisme menawarkan rangka kerja yang komprehensif untuk wanita, tanpa mengira pertalian sosial dan ideologi mereka? Bolehkah wacana tentang persamaan asas untuk wanita membantu mereka untuk menyedari dan bersetuju dengan matlamat bersama mereka? Adakah paternalisme hanya terdapat dalam ideologi Islam, dan bukan dalam nasionalisme dan patriotisme? Apakah yang kita maksudkan dengan feminisme? Adakah hanya terdapat satu feminisme, atau beberapa feminisme? Apa yang kita maksudkan dengan Islam – adakah gerakan yang dikenali dengan nama ini atau agama, falsafah itu, atau sistem perundangan? Kita perlu pergi ke bahagian bawah isu ini dan mempertimbangkannya dengan teliti, dan kita mesti bersetuju dengan mereka supaya kita boleh membuat keputusan kemudian, sebagai feminis, jika kritikan kita terhadap paternalisme harus ditujukan kepada agama (iman), yang harus dikurung dalam hati orang yang beriman dan tidak dibenarkan menguasai dunia secara keseluruhan, atau fiqh, which relates to different schools of faith which explain the legal system contained in the Quran and the sayings of the Prophetthe Sunnah.

ISLAMIST WOMEN’S ACTIVISM IN OCCUPIED PALESTINE

Interviews by Khaled Amayreh

Interview with Sameera Al-Halayka

Sameera Al-Halayka is an elected member of the Palestinian Legislative Council. She was

born in the village of Shoyoukh near Hebron in 1964. She has a BA in Sharia (Islamik

Jurisprudence) from Hebron University. She worked as a journalist from 1996 ke 2006 when

she entered the Palestinian Legislative Council as an elected member in the 2006 pilihan raya.

She is married and has seven children.

Q: There is a general impression in some western countries that women receive

inferior treatment within Islamic resistance groups, such as Hamas. Is this true?

How are women activists treated in Hamas?
Rights and duties of Muslim women emanate first and foremost from Islamic Sharia or law.

They are not voluntary or charitable acts or gestures we receive from Hamas or anyone

else. Oleh itu, as far as political involvement and activism is concerned, women generally have

the same rights and duties as men. Lagipun, women make up at least 50 per cent of

society. In a certain sense, they are the entire society because they give birth to, and raise,

the new generation.

Therefore, I can say that the status of women within Hamas is in full conformity with her

status in Islam itself. This means that she is a full partner at all levels. Sesungguhnya, it would be

unfair and unjust for an Islamic (or Islamist if you prefer) woman to be partner in suffering

while she is excluded from the decision-making process. This is why the woman’s role in

Hamas has always been pioneering.

Q: Do you feel that the emergence of women’s political activism within Hamas is

a natural development that is compatible with classical Islamic concepts

regarding the status and role of women, or is it merely a necessary response to

pressures of modernity and requirements of political action and of the continued

Israeli occupation?

There is no text in Islamic jurisprudence nor in Hamas’ charter which impedes women from

political participation. I believe the opposite is truethere are numerous Quranic verses

and sayings of the Prophet Muhammed urging women to be active in politics and public

issues affecting Muslims. But it is also true that for women, as it is for men, aktivisme politik

bukan wajib tetapi sukarela, dan sebahagian besarnya diputuskan berdasarkan kebolehan setiap wanita,

kelayakan dan keadaan individu. Tidak kurang juga, menunjukkan keprihatinan terhadap orang ramai

perkara itu wajib ke atas setiap lelaki dan perempuan Islam. Nabi

Muhammad berkata: "Sesiapa yang tidak mengambil berat tentang urusan orang Islam, dia bukan seorang Muslim."

Lebih-lebih lagi, Wanita Islam Palestin perlu mengambil semua faktor objektif di lapangan

akaun apabila membuat keputusan sama ada untuk menyertai politik atau terlibat dalam aktivisme politik.


WANITA IRAN SELEPAS REVOLUSI ISLAM

Ansiia Khaz Allii


Lebih daripada tiga puluh tahun telah berlalu sejak kejayaan Revolusi Islam di Iran, namun masih ada a beberapa persoalan dan kesamaran tentang cara Republik Islam dan undang-undangnya menangani masalah kontemporari dan keadaan semasa, khususnya berkenaan dengan wanita dan hak wanita. Kertas ringkas ini akan menjelaskan isu-isu ini dan mengkaji kedudukan semasa wanita dalam pelbagai bidang, membandingkannya dengan keadaan sebelum Revolusi Islam. Data yang boleh dipercayai dan disahkan telah digunakan di mana mungkin. Pengenalan meringkaskan beberapa kajian teori dan undang-undang yang menyediakan asas untuk analisis seterusnya yang lebih praktikal dan merupakan sumber dari mana data telah diperolehi.
Bahagian pertama mempertimbangkan sikap kepimpinan Republik Islam Iran terhadap wanita dan hak wanita, and then takes a comprehensive look at the laws promulgated since the Islamic Revolution concerning women and their position in society. The second section considers women’s cultural and educational developments since the Revolution and compares these to the pre-revolutionary situation. The third section looks at women’s political, social and economic participation and considers both quantative and qualitative aspects of their employment. The fourth section then examines questions of the family, yang relationship between women and the family, and the family’s role in limiting or increasing women’s rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Women in Islam

Amira Burghul

Despite major consensus amongst a large number of philosophers and historians that the

principles and teachings of Islam caused a fundamental change in the position of women

compared to the prevailing situation in countries in both East and West at the time, and despite

the agreement of a large number of thinkers and legislators that women during the time of the

Prophet (PBUH) were granted rights and legal privileges not granted by man-made laws until

recently, propaganda campaigns by Westerners and people with a Westernised perspective

consistently accuse Islam of being unjust to women, of imposing restrictions on them, dan

marginalising their role in society.

This situation has been made worse by the atmosphere and conditions prevalent across the

Muslim world, where ignorance and poverty have produced a limited understanding of religion

and family and human relations which occlude justice and a civilised way of life, terutamanya

between men and women. The small group of people who have been granted opportunities to

acquire an education and abilities have also fallen into the trap of believing that achieving justice

for women and capitalising on their abilities is dependent upon rejecting religion and piety and

adopting a Western way of life, as a result of their superficial studies of Islam on the one hand

and the effect of life’s diversions on the other.

Only a very small number of people from these two groups have managed to escape and cast off

their cloaks of ignorance and tradition. These people have studied their heritage in great depth

and detail, and have looked at the results of Western experiences with an open mind. They have

distinguished between the wheat and the chaff in both the past and the present, and have dealt

scientifically and objectively with the problems which have arisen. They have refuted the false

charges made against Islam with eloquent arguments, and have admitted to concealed flaws.

They have also re-examined the sayings and customs of the Infallible Ones in order to

distinguish between what is established and holy and what has been altered and distorted.

The responsible behaviour of this group has established new directions and new ways of dealing

with the question of women in Islamic societies. They have clearly not yet tackled all problems

and found final solutions for the many legislative gaps and deficiencies, tetapi mereka telah meletakkan

landasan untuk kemunculan model baru untuk wanita Islam, yang kedua-duanya kuat dan

komited kepada asas undang-undang dan berkesan masyarakat mereka.

Dengan kejayaan Revolusi Islam di Iran dan restu pemimpinnya, yang mana satu

pihak berkuasa agama utama untuk penyertaan wanita dan politik dan sosial mereka yang berkesan

penyertaan, skop perdebatan kuat mengenai wanita dalam Islam telah diperluaskan dengan ketara.

Model wanita Islam di Iran telah tersebar ke gerakan penentangan Islam di Lubnan,

Palestin negara-negara Arab lain dan juga dunia Barat, dan akibatnya, propaganda

kempen menentang Islam telah berkurangan sedikit sebanyak.

Kemunculan gerakan Islam Salafi seperti Taliban di Afghanistan dan seumpamanya

Gerakan Salafi di Arab Saudi dan Afrika Utara, dan cara fanatik mereka melayan wanita,

telah menimbulkan kegelisahan penonton yang takut kebangkitan Islam untuk melancarkan propaganda baru

kempen yang menuduh Islam mengilhamkan keganasan dan menjadi mundur dan tidak adil terhadap

perempuan.

smearcasting: Bagaimana Islamofobia menyebarkan ketakutan, ketaksuban dan maklumat yang salah

ADIL

Julie Hollar

Jim Naureckas

Menjadikan Islamofobia Mainstream:
Bagaimana Muslim-bashers menyiarkan ketaksuban mereka
Satu perkara yang luar biasa berlaku di Bulatan Pengkritik Buku Kebangsaan (NBCC) pencalonan pada bulan Februari 2007: Kumpulan yang biasanya tinggi hati dan bertolak ansur mencalonkan buku terbaik dalam bidang kritikan sebuah buku yang dilihat secara meluas sebagai memburukkan seluruh kumpulan agama.
Pencalonan Bruce Bawer's While Europe Slept: How Radical Islam Is Destroying the West From Within didn’t pass without controversy. Past nominee Eliot Weinberger denounced the book at the NBCC’s annual gathering, calling it ‘‘racism as criticism’’ (New York Times, 2/8/07). NBCC board president John Freeman wrote on the group’s blog (Critical Mass, 2/4/07): ‘‘I have never been
more embarrassed by a choice than I have been with Bruce Bawer’s While Europe Slept…. Its hyperventilated rhetoric tips from actual critique into Islamophobia.’’
Though it didn’t ultimately win the award, While Europe Slept’s recognition in the highest literary circles was emblematic of a mainstreaming of Islamophobia, not just in American publishing but in the broader media. This report takes a fresh look at Islamophobia in today’s media and its perpetratrators, outlining some of the behind-the-scenes connections that are rarely explored in media. The report also provides four snapshots, or “case studies,” describing how Islamophobes continue to manipulate media to in order to paint Muslims with a broad, hateful brush. Our aim is to document smearcasting: the public writings and appearances of Islamophobic activists and pundits who intentionally and regularly spread fear, ketaksuban dan maklumat yang salah. The term “Islamophobia” refers to hostility toward Islam and Muslims that tends to dehumanize an entire faith, portraying it as fundamentally alien and attributing to it an inherent, essential set of negative traits such as irrationality, intolerance and violence. And not unlike the charges made in the classical document of anti-Semitism, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, some of Islamophobia’s more virulent expressionslike While Europe Sleptinclude evocations of Islamic designs to dominate the West.
Islamic institutions and Muslims, of course, should be subject to the same kind of scrutiny and criticism as anyone else. For instance, when a Norwegian Islamic Council debates whether gay men and lesbians should be executed, one may forcefully condemn individuals or groups sharing that opinion without pulling all European Muslims into it, as did Bawer’s Pajamas Media post (8/7/08),
“European Muslims Debate: Should Gays Be Executed?
Similarly, extremists who justify their violent actions by invoking some particular interpretation of Islam can be criticized without implicating the enormously diverse population of Muslims around the world. Lagipun, reporters managed to cover the Oklahoma City bombing by Timothy McVeighan adherent of the racist Christian Identity sectwithout resorting to generalized statements about “Christian terrorism.” Likewise, media have covered acts of terrorism by fanatics who are Jewishfor instance the Hebron massacre carried out by Baruch Goldstein (Extra!, 5/6/94)–without implicating the entirety of Judaism.

The Totalitarianism of Jihadist Islamism and its Challenge to Europe and to Islam

Basso tibi

When reading the majority of texts that comprise the vast literature that has been published by self-proclaimed pundits on political Islam, it is easy to miss the fact that a new movement has arisen. Further, this literature fails to explain in a satisfactory manner the fact that the ideology which drives it is based on a particular interpretation of Islam, and that it is thus a politicised religious faith,
not a secular one. The only book in which political Islam is addressed as a form of totalitarianism is the one by Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (2003). The author is, namun begitu, not an expert, cannot read Islamic sources, and therefore relies on the selective use of one or two secondary sources, thus failing to grasp the phenomenon.
One of the reasons for such shortcomings is the fact that most of those who seek to inform us about the ‘jihadist threat’ – and Berman is typical of this scholarship – not only lack the language skills to read the sources produced by the ideologues of political Islam, but also lack knowledge about the cultural dimension of the movement. This new totalitarian movement is in many ways a novelty
in the history of politics since it has its roots in two parallel and related phenomena: first, the culturalisation of politics which leads to politics being conceptualised as a cultural system (a view pioneered by Clifford Geertz); and second the return of the sacred, or ‘re-enchantment’ of the world, as a reaction to its intensive secularisation resulting from globalisation.
The analysis of political ideologies that are based on religions, and that can exert appeal as a political religion as a consequence of this, involves a social science understanding of the role of religion played by world politics, especially after the bi-polar system of the Cold War has given way to a multi-polar world. In a project conducted at the Hannah Arendt Institute for the application of totalitarianism to the study of political religions, I proposed the distinction between secular ideologies that act as a substitute for religion, and religious ideologies based on genuine religious faith, which is the case in religious fundamentalism (see note
24). Another project on ‘Political Religion’, carried out at the University of Basel, has made clearer the point that new approaches to politics become necessary once a religious faith becomes clothed in a political garb.Drawing on the authoritative sources of political Islam, this article suggests that the great variety of organisations inspired by Islamist ideology are to be conceptualised both as political religions and as political movements. The unique quality of political Islam lies is the fact that it is based on a transnational religion (see note 26).

Islam, Islam politik dan Amerika

Wawasan Arab

Adakah "Persaudaraan" dengan Amerika Mungkin?

khalil al-anani

“Tiada peluang untuk berkomunikasi dengan mana-mana A.S. pentadbiran selagi Amerika Syarikat mengekalkan pandangan lamanya tentang Islam sebagai bahaya sebenar, pandangan yang meletakkan Amerika Syarikat senasib dengan musuh Zionis. Kami tidak mempunyai tanggapan sedia ada mengenai rakyat Amerika atau A.S. masyarakat dan organisasi sivik dan badan pemikirnya. Kami tidak mempunyai masalah untuk berkomunikasi dengan rakyat Amerika tetapi tiada usaha yang mencukupi sedang dibuat untuk mendekatkan kami,” kata Dr. Issam al-Iryan, ketua jabatan politik Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam temu bual telefon.
Kata-kata Al-Iryan merumuskan pandangan Ikhwanul Muslimin terhadap rakyat Amerika dan A.S. kerajaan. Ahli Ikhwanul Muslimin yang lain akan bersetuju, begitu juga dengan almarhum Hassan al-Banna, yang mengasaskan kumpulan di 1928. Al- Banna melihat Barat kebanyakannya sebagai simbol keruntuhan moral. Salafi yang lain - sebuah mazhab Islam yang bergantung kepada nenek moyang sebagai model teladan - telah mengambil pandangan yang sama tentang Amerika Syarikat, tetapi tidak mempunyai fleksibiliti ideologi yang dianuti oleh Ikhwanul Muslimin. Sementara Ikhwanul Muslimin percaya dalam melibatkan Amerika dalam dialog sivil, kumpulan pelampau lain tidak melihat sebarang titik dalam dialog dan mengekalkan kuasa itu adalah satu-satunya cara untuk berurusan dengan Amerika Syarikat.

Notes on the Isocratic Legacy and Islamic Political Thought: The Example of Education

JAMES MUIR

An unfortunate feature of human history is the tendency for religious differences and con icts to nourish themselves with the poisonous brew of ignorance and prejudice. Walaupun banyak yang kadangkala boleh dilakukan untuk mengurangkan prasangka, Pada pandangan saya, para ulama dan pendidik seharusnya mementingkan matlamat yang lebih asas dan berkekalan untuk mengurangkan kejahilan.. Kejayaan seseorang dalam mengurangkan kejahilan—termasuk kebodohannya sendiri—akan bergantung pada motif seseorang.
Kajian falsafah pendidikan Islam mungkin didorong oleh kebimbangan praktikal semasa: keinginan umat Islam British untuk memiliki sekolah Islam, sama ada dibiayai secara persendirian atau oleh negeri, adalah satu contoh topikal. Dari perspektif falsafah pendidikan, namun begitu, motif sedemikian adalah sangat sempit, dibatasi oleh konsep dan kategori pertikaian politik tempatan pada masa ini. Bagi mereka yang didorong oleh keinginan untuk pengetahuan dan pemahaman tentang tradisi di luar tradisi mereka, it is most doubtful that any study of Islamic philosophy restricted by current practical concerns can be at all productive. There is no simple correspondence between knowledge and “relevance.”
There must, namun begitu, be some connection between two traditions of thought and practice if there is to be a point of departure, and a point of entry, which allows the scholar to step from one tradition to another. The legacy of Isocrates may constitute one such point of departure, which will help us to understand the relation between two traditions, the classical Greek and the Islamic. The dominance of the Isocratic legacy in Western education is well established and widely known among historians, classicists
and political philosophers, although awareness of it has only just begun to surface among educationists.2 Similarly, the Isocratic legacy to education (and the rich tradition of Arabic Platonism in philosophy) has in uenced Islamic thought, though in ways that are
still not yet well understood. The intention of this paper is to suggest that a modiŽ ed form of the Isocratic educational tradition is a fundamental component of Islamic political thought, iaitu, Islamic educational thought. This general wording of the intention of this paper in terms of Islamic political thought may give rise to a misunderstanding. Islam, of course, is regarded by its adherents as a uniŽ ed and universal system of belief and behaviour.

Liberal Democracy and Political Islam: the Search for Common Ground.

Mostapha Benhenda

This paper seeks to establish a dialogue between democratic and Islamic political theories.1 The interplay between them is puzzling: for example, in order to explain the relationship existing between democracy and their conception of the ideal Islamic political
regime, the Pakistani scholar Abu ‘Ala Maududi coined the neologism “theodemocracy” whereas the French scholar Louis Massignon suggested the oxymoron “secular theocracy”. These expressions suggest that some aspects of democracy are evaluated positively and others are judged negatively. Sebagai contoh, Muslim scholars and activists often endorse the principle of accountability of rulers, which is a defining feature of democracy. On the contrary, they often reject the principle of separation between religion and the state, which is often considered to be part of democracy (at least, of democracy as known in the United States today). Given this mixed assessment of democratic principles, it seems interesting to determine the conception of democracy underlying Islamic political models. In other words, we should try to find out what is democratic in “theodemocracy”. To that end, among the impressive diversity and plurality of Islamic traditions of normative political thought, we essentially focus on the broad current of thought going back to Abu ‘Ala Maududi and the Egyptian intellectual Sayyed Qutb.8 This particular trend of thought is interesting because in the Muslim world, it lies at the basis of some of the most challenging oppositions to the diffusion of the values originating from the West. Based on religious values, this trend elaborated a political model alternative to liberal democracy. Broadly speaking, the conception of democracy included in this Islamic political model is procedural. With some differences, this conception is inspired by democratic theories advocated by some constitutionalists and political scientists.10 It is thin and minimalist, up to a certain point. Sebagai contoh, it does not rely on any notion of popular sovereignty and it does not require any separation between religion and politics. The first aim of this paper is to elaborate this minimalist conception. We make a detailed restatement of it in order to isolate this conception from its moral (liberal) foundations, which are controversial from the particular Islamic viewpoint considered here. Sesungguhnya, proses demokrasi biasanya berasal daripada prinsip autonomi peribadi, yang tidak diperakui oleh teori-teori Islam ini.11 Di sini, kami menunjukkan bahawa prinsip sedemikian tidak perlu untuk mewajarkan proses demokrasi.

Mengenai Perlembagaan Amerika dari Perspektif Al-Quran dan Perjanjian Madinah

Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad

Makalah ini sama sekali bukan perbandingan menyeluruh Perlembagaan Amerika dengan Al-Quran dan Perjanjian Madinah. Sebaliknya, ia meneroka jenis cerapan yang mungkin dicadangkan oleh perbandingan antara kedua-dua dokumen ini. Sehubungan itu, the constitutional topics selected are those in which the author or the commentators on earlier drafts perceived an assessment within the Islamic sources.4 This paper should be taken as an invitation for future studies with more systematic comparisons. In addition to rational inference from the text of the Qur’an and of the Madinah Covenant, I shall draw on the views of the Prophet’s Companions as recorded in the leading Hadith books. Analogously, the views of the Founding Fathers of the American Republic on constitutional
matters are articulated in The Federalist Papers.We shall begin by reviewing the Madinah Covenant, and then evaluate the Constitution’s goals as expressed in the preamble. After that, kita akan meneroka pelbagai topik dalam isi utama teks yang sesuai dengan peperiksaan yang dicadangkan di sini. Khususnya, inilah peranan cabang-cabang kerajaan mengikut pengasingan kuasa, peranan pilihan raya dalam menentukan ketua negara seterusnya, hukuman untuk pengkhianatan, kewujudan perdagangan hamba dan perkauman, bentuk kerajaan republik, peruntukan untuk meminda Perlembagaan, ujian agama, dan Rang Undang-undang Hak. Akhirnya, kami menganggap hujah-hujah Madison tentang bagaimana Perlembagaan boleh dianggap sebagai model untuk mengelakkan fitnah.
Perjanjian Madinah Bahawa umat Islam mementingkan organisasi mereka sebagai komuniti politik dapat dilihat pada fakta bahawa kalendar mereka tidak bertarikh sejak kelahiran mahupun kematian Nabi., but from the establishment of the first Muslim polity in the city-state of Madinah in 622. Before Madinah was founded, the Arabs had no state to “establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty” The custom at that time was that those who were too weak to protect themselves became clients of a protector (wali). Muhammad, himself an orphan, was brought up under the protection of his uncle Abu Talib.
After his uncle’s death in 619, Muhammad received an invitation from Yathrib’s feuding Arab tribes to govern there. Once in Yathrib, he entered into a covenant with all of its residents, whether they had accepted Islam or not. Even the Jews living on the city’s outskirts subscribed to it.

DEMOKRASI ISLAM DAN LIBERAL

Robin Wright
Of all the challenges facing democracy in the 1990s, one of the greatest lies in the Islamic world. Only a handful of the more than four dozen predominantly Muslim countries have made significant strides toward establishing democratic systems. Among this handfulincluding Albania, Bangladesh, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Lubnan, Mali, Pakistan, and Turkeynot one has yet achieved full, stable, or secure democracy. And the largest single regional bloc holding out against the global trend toward political pluralism comprises the Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa.
Yet the resistance to political change associated with the Islamic bloc is not necessarily a function of the Muslim faith. Sesungguhnya, the evidence indicates quite the reverse. Rulers in some of the most antidemocratic regimes in the Islamic worldsuch as Brunei, Indonesia, Iraq, Oman, Qatar, Syria, and Turkmenistanare secular autocrats who refuse to share power with their brethren.
Overall, the obstacles to political pluralism in Islamic countries are not unlike the problems earlier faced in other parts of the world: secular ideologies such as Ba’athism in Iraq and Syria, Pancasila in Indonesia, or lingering communism in some former Soviet Central Asian states brook no real opposition. Ironically, many of these ideologies were adapted from the West; Ba’athism, contohnya, was inspired by the European socialism of the 1930s and 1940s. Rigid government controls over everything from communications in Saudi Arabia and Brunei to foreign visitors in Uzbekistan and Indonesia also isolate their people from democratic ideas and debate on popular empowerment. In the largest and poorest Muslim countries, moreover, problems common to [End Page 64] developing states, from illiteracy and disease to poverty, make simple survival a priority and render democratic politics a seeming luxury. Akhirnya, like their non-Muslim neighbors in Asia and Africa, most Muslim societies have no local history of democracy on which to draw. As democracy has blossomed in Western states over the past three centuries, Muslim societies have usually lived under colonial rulers, kings, or tribal and clan leaders.
In other words, neither Islam nor its culture is the major obstacle to political modernity, even if undemocratic rulers sometimes use Islam as their excuse. 1 In Saudi Arabia, contohnya, the ruling House of Saud relied on Wahhabism, a puritanical brand of Sunni Islam, first to unite the tribes of the Arabian Peninsula and then to justify dynastic rule. Like other monotheistic religions, Islam offers wide-ranging and sometimes contradictory instruction. In Saudi Arabia, Islam’s tenets have been selectively shaped to sustain an authoritarian monarchy.

Islam and the New Political Landscape

Les Kembali, Michael Keith, Azra Khan,
Kalbir Shukra and John Solomos

IN THE wake of the attack on the World Trade Center on 11 September 2001, and the Madrid and London bombings of 2004 dan 2005, a literature that addresses the forms and modalities of religious expression – particularly Islamic religious expression – has flourished in the penumbral regions that link mainstream social science to social policy design, think tanks and journalism. Much of the work has attempted to define attitudes or predispositions of a Muslim population in a particular site of tension such as London or the UK (Barnes, 2006; Ethnos Consultancy, 2005; GFK, 2006; GLA, 2006; Populus, 2006), or critiqued particular forms of social policy intervention (Bright, 2006a; Mirza et al., 2007). Studies of Islamism and Jihadism have created a particular focus on the syncretic and complex links between Islamic religious faith and forms of social movement and political mobilization (Husain, 2007; Kepel, 2004, 2006; McRoy, 2006; Neville-Jones et al., 2006, 2007; Phillips, 2006; Roy, 2004, 2006). Conventionally, fokus analisis telah menonjolkan budaya Islam, sistem kepercayaan orang beriman, dan trajektori sejarah dan geografi penduduk Islam di seluruh dunia amnya dan di 'Barat' khususnya (Abbas, 2005; Ansari, 2002; Eade dan Garbin, 2002; Hussein, 2006; Modood, 2005; Ramadhan, 1999, 2005). Dalam artikel ini penekanannya berbeza. Kami berpendapat bahawa kajian tentang penyertaan politik Islam perlu dikontekstualisasikan dengan teliti tanpa menggunakan generalisasi besar tentang budaya dan kepercayaan.. Ini kerana kedua-dua budaya dan kepercayaan distrukturkan oleh dan seterusnya menstruktur budaya, landskap institusi dan musyawarah di mana ia diutarakan. Dalam kes pengalaman British, kesan tersembunyi agama Kristian dalam pembentukan negara berkebajikan pada abad yang lalu, the rapidly changing cartography of spaces of the political and the role of ‘faith organizations’ in the restructuring of welfare provision generate the material social context determining the opportunities and the outlines of new forms of political participation.

The Principle of Movement in the Structure of Islam

Dr. Muhammad Iqbal

As a cultural movement Islam rejects the old static view of the universe, and reaches a dynamic view. As an emotional system of unification it recognizes the worth of the individual as such, and rejects bloodrelationship as a basis of human unity. Blood-relationship is earthrootedness. Pencarian asas psikologi semata-mata perpaduan manusia menjadi mungkin hanya dengan persepsi bahawa semua kehidupan manusia adalah rohani pada asalnya.1 Persepsi sedemikian adalah kreatif terhadap kesetiaan segar tanpa sebarang upacara untuk memastikan mereka hidup., dan membolehkan manusia membebaskan dirinya dari bumi. Kekristianan yang pada asalnya muncul sebagai tarekat monastik telah dicuba oleh Constantine sebagai sistem penyatuan.2 Kegagalannya untuk berfungsi sebagai sistem sedemikian mendorong Maharaja Julian3 untuk kembali kepada tuhan-tuhan lama Rom di mana dia cuba meletakkan tafsiran falsafah.. Seorang ahli sejarah tamadun moden telah menggambarkan keadaan dunia bertamadun tentang masa ketika Islam muncul di pentas Sejarah: It seemed then that the great civilization that it had taken four thousand years to construct was on the verge of disintegration, and that mankind was likely to return to that condition of barbarism where every tribe and sect was against the next, and law and order were unknown . . . The
old tribal sanctions had lost their power. Hence the old imperial methods would no longer operate. The new sanctions created by
Christianity were working division and destruction instead of unity and order. It was a time fraught with tragedy. Civilization, like a gigantic tree whose foliage had overarched the world and whose branches had borne the golden fruits of art and science and literature, stood tottering, its trunk no longer alive with the flowing sap of devotion and reverence, but rotted to the core, riven by the storms of war, and held together only by the cords of ancient customs and laws, that might snap at any moment. Was there any emotional culture that could be brought in, to gather mankind once more into unity and to save civilization? This culture must be something of a new type, for the old sanctions and ceremonials were dead, and to build up others of the same kind would be the work
of centuries.’The writer then proceeds to tell us that the world stood in need of a new culture to take the place of the culture of the throne, and the systems of unification which were based on bloodrelationship.
It is amazing, he adds, that such a culture should have arisen from Arabia just at the time when it was most needed. There is, namun begitu, nothing amazing in the phenomenon. Kehidupan dunia secara intuitif melihat keperluannya sendiri, dan pada saat genting menentukan arahnya sendiri. Apakah ini, dalam bahasa agama, kita panggil wahyu kenabian. Adalah wajar bahawa Islam sepatutnya melintasi kesedaran orang-orang sederhana yang tidak disentuh oleh mana-mana budaya kuno., dan menduduki kedudukan geografi di mana tiga benua bertemu bersama. Budaya baru menemui asas perpaduan dunia dalam prinsip Tauhâd.’5 Islam, sebagai sebuah negara, hanyalah cara praktikal untuk menjadikan prinsip ini sebagai faktor hidup dalam kehidupan intelektual dan emosi manusia. Ia menuntut kesetiaan kepada Tuhan, bukan ke takhta. Dan kerana Tuhan adalah asas rohani yang muktamad bagi semua kehidupan, kesetiaan kepada Tuhan hampir sama dengan kesetiaan manusia kepada sifat idealnya sendiri. The ultimate spiritual basis of all life, as conceived by Islam, is eternal and reveals itself in variety and change. A society based on such a conception of Reality must reconcile, in its life, the categories of permanence and change. It must possess eternal principles to regulate its collective life, for the eternal gives us a foothold in the world of perpetual change.

Reformasi Islam

Adnan Khan

The Italian Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi boasted after the events of 9/11:
“…we must be aware of the superiority of our civilisation, a system that has guaranteed

well being, respect for human rights andin contrast with Islamic countriesrespect

for religious and political rights, a system that has its values understanding of diversity

and tolerance…The West will conquer peoples, like it conquered communism, even if it

means a confrontation with another civilisation, the Islamic one, stuck where it was

1,400 years ago…”1

And in a 2007 report the RAND institute declared:
“The struggle underway throughout much of the Muslim world is essentially a war of

ideas. Its outcome will determine the future direction of the Muslim world.”

Building moderate Muslim Networks, RAND Institute

The concept of ‘islah’ (reform) is a concept unknown to Muslims. It never existed throughout the

history of the Islamic civilisation; it was never debated or even considered. A cursory glance at classical

Islamic literature shows us that when the classical scholars laid the foundations of usul, and codified

their Islamic rulings (fiqh) mereka hanya melihat kepada pemahaman peraturan Islam untuk

menerapkannya. Situasi yang sama berlaku apabila peraturan hadith ditetapkan, tafsir dan

Bahasa Arab. Ulamak, pemikir dan intelektual sepanjang sejarah Islam menghabiskan banyak masa

memahami wahyu Allah - Al-Qur'an dan menerapkan ayat pada realiti dan dicipta

pengetua dan disiplin supaya memudahkan pemahaman. Oleh itu al-Quran kekal sebagai asas

kajian dan semua disiplin yang berkembang sentiasa berdasarkan Al-Quran. Mereka yang menjadi

terpengaruh dengan falsafah Yunani seperti ahli falsafah Islam dan beberapa dari kalangan Mut’azilah

dianggap telah keluar daripada Islam kerana al-Quran tidak lagi menjadi asas pengajian mereka. Justeru untuk

mana-mana orang Islam yang cuba menyimpulkan peraturan atau memahami pendirian yang harus diambil terhadap sesuatu perkara

isu al-Quran adalah asas kajian ini.

Percubaan pertama untuk memperbaharui Islam berlaku pada pergantian abad ke-19. Menjelang giliran

abad Ummah telah berada dalam tempoh kemerosotan yang panjang di mana keseimbangan kuasa global berubah

dari Khilafah ke Britain. Masalah memuncak melanda Khilafah semasa Eropah Barat berada

di tengah-tengah revolusi perindustrian. Ummah hilang kefahaman murninya tentang Islam, dan

dalam usaha untuk membalikkan kemerosotan yang melanda Uthmani (Uthmaniyyah) beberapa orang Islam telah dihantar ke

Barat, dan akibatnya menjadi terpesona dengan apa yang mereka lihat. Rifa'a Rafi' al-Tahtawi dari Mesir (1801-1873),

sekembalinya dari Paris, menulis buku biografi bertajuk Takhlis al-ibriz ila talkhis Bariz (The

Pengekstrakan Emas, atau Gambaran Keseluruhan Paris, 1834), memuji kebersihan mereka, cinta kerja, dan ke atas

semua moral sosial. Dia mengisytiharkan bahawa kita mesti meniru apa yang dilakukan di Paris, menganjurkan perubahan kepada

masyarakat Islam daripada meliberalisasikan wanita kepada sistem pemerintahan. Pemikiran ini, dan lain-lain yang menyukainya,

menandakan permulaan aliran mencipta semula dalam Islam.