RSSL-Entrati Kollha Tikkettati Bi: "Pakistan"

L-Islam u l-Għamla tal-Poter Statali

seyyed vali reza nasr

Fil 1979 Ġenerali Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, il-ħakkiem militari tal-Pakistan, iddikjara li l-Pakistan se jsir stat Iżlamiku. Il-valuri u n-normi Iżlamiċi jservu bħala l-pedament tal-identità nazzjonali, liġi, ekonomija, u r-relazzjonijiet soċjali, u jispira kull tfassil tal-politika. Fil 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, il-prim ministru l-ġdid tal-Malasja, introduċa pjan wiesa' simili biex jankra t-tfassil tal-politika statali fil-valuri Iżlamiċi, u li jġib il-liġijiet u l-prattiċi ekonomiċi ta’ pajjiżu f’konformità mat-tagħlim tal-Islam. Għaliex dawn il-ħakkiema għażlu t-triq tal-“Iżlamizzazzjoni” għal pajjiżi tagħhom? U kif l-istati postkolonjali sekulari ta’ darba saru l-aġenti tal-Iżlamizzazzjoni u l-prospertur tal-istat Iżlamiku “veru”?
Il-Malasja u l-Pakistan ilhom mill-aħħar tas-snin sebgħin sal-bidu tas-snin tmenin segwew triq unika għall-iżvilupp li tvarja mill-esperjenzi ta’ stati oħra tat-Tielet Dinja.. F'dawn iż-żewġ pajjiżi l-identità reliġjuża ġiet integrata fl-ideoloġija tal-istat biex tinforma l-għan u l-proċess tal-iżvilupp bil-valuri Iżlamiċi.
Dan l-impenn ippreżenta wkoll stampa differenti ħafna tar-relazzjoni bejn l-Islam u l-politika fis-soċjetajiet Musulmani. Fil-Malasja u l-Pakistan, kienu istituzzjonijiet statali aktar milli attivisti Iżlamiċi (dawk li jirrakkomandaw qari politiku tal-Islam; magħrufa wkoll bħala revivalisti jew fundamentalisti) that have been the guardians of Islam and the defenders of its interests. This suggests a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, u b'mod aktar wiesa' kif il-kultura u r-reliġjon jaqdu l-bżonnijiet tal-poter u l-iżvilupp tal-istat. L-analiżi hawnhekk tiddependi fuq diskussjonijiet teoretiċi
fix-xjenzi soċjali tal-imġiba tal-istat u r-rwol tal-kultura u r-reliġjon fihom. Iktar importanti, hija tislet deduzzjonijiet mill-każijiet li qed jiġu eżaminati biex tagħmel konklużjonijiet usa' ta' interess għad-dixxiplini.

The Islamization of Pakistan

The Middle East Institute

Peress li 2007, Pakistan, though not on the verge of becoming a failed state, nonetheless has been gripped by a series of interrelated crises. As the contributors to this volume demonstrate, Pakistan’s current travails have deep and tangled historical roots. They also demonstrate that Pakistan’s domestic situation historically has been influenced by, and has affected developments in neighboring countries as well as those farther afield.
The origins of many of Pakistan’s troubles today lie not just in the circumstances in which the state of Pakistan emerged, but in the manner in which various domestic political forces have defined and sought to advance their competing visions of the state since independence. Over the years, successive national political leaders, the military, and other actors have appropriated the symbols, istituzzjonijiet, tools of statecraft, and even the rhetoric of Pakistan’s founding father, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in order to advance their own narrow agendas.
As the contributors emphasize, much of the present turmoil in Pakistan dates from the late 1970s, when the rise to power of General Zia ul Haq and his Islamization program intersected with the momentous events of 1979, most importantly, the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
Il 18 essays comprising this volume examine the tight interplay between these domestic and regional factors, discuss the key domestic and foreign policies adopted during the Zia years, and disclose the heavy cost that Pakistan and its people have borne as a consequence. Taken together, the essays present a grim, tragic account of the past 30 years — of a country’s founding creed violated, much of its resources misspent, and its social fabric rent. And they suggest an uncertain future. Fl-istess waqt, madankollu, they point hopefully, if not confidently, to what Pakistan’s fragile civilian government must seek to reclaim and can achieve — provided that its leaders prove to be moderate, resourceful, and determined, and that the West (especially the United States) implements policies which support rather than undermine them.
In his Eid-ul-Azha Message to the Nation on October 24, 1947, Muhammad Ali Jinnah declared: “My message to you all is of hope, courage and confidence. Let us mobilize all our resources in a systematic and organized way and tackle the grave issues that confront us with grim determination and discipline worthy of a great nation.” More than a half-century has elapsed since Jinnah made this statement, yet the issues facing Pakistan are no less grave. One hopes that the current and next generation of Jinnah’s successors, together with Pakistan’s friends will be able to summon the necessary will and bolster the state’s capacity to deal with these issues effectively.

The Muslim Brotherhood of Jordan and Jama’at-i-Islam of Pakistan

Neha Sahgal

The study of Islamist activism is new to social movement theory. Socialmovement scholarship has ignored Islamist movements because of their unique faithbasednature. More recently scholars have recognized that the processes of contentionconceptualized by social movement theory can be applied to Islamist activism to seektheoretical refinements in both areas of study.In this paper, I examine variations in the strategies followed by Islamistmovements in response to government policies. States have followed various policies inmanaging the tide of Islamist opposition to their power. Some states have chosen to userepressive means (L-Eġittu, Jordan before 1989), while others, at different times in theirhistory have used accommodative policies (Jordan after 1989, Pakistan, Il-Malasja). Iexamine the effects of government accommodation on Islamist movement strategies.I argue that accommodation can have varying effects on Islamist movementstrategies depending on the nature of accommodative policies followed. Governmentshave employed two different types of accommodative policies in their tenuousrelationship with Islamist opposition – Islamization and liberalization. Islamizationattempts to co-opt the movements through greater religiosity in state and society.Liberalization allows the movements to conduct their activities at both the state and thesocietal level without necessarily increasing the religiosity of the state1. Islamizationdisempowers Islamists while liberalization empowers them by providing a sphere ofinfluence.

Movimenti Iżlamiċi u l-Użu tal-Vjolenza:

Esen Kirdis

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Minkejja l-enfasi akkademika u popolari reċenti fuq netwerks ta 'terroristi Iżlamiċi transnazzjonali vjolenti,hemm diversi movimenti Iżlamiċi. Din il-multipliċità tippreżenta lill-istudjużi b'żewġ puzzles. L-ewwel puzzle qed jifhem għaliex movimenti Iżlamiċi orjentati lejn id-dar li ġew iffurmati bħala reazzjoni għat-twaqqif ta 'stati-nazzjon sekulari biddlu l-attivitajiet u l-miri tagħhom fuq spazju transnazzjonali b'ħafna saffi. It-tieni taħbil il-moħħ qed jifhem għaliex gruppi bi għanijiet u miri simili jadottaw strateġiji differenti biex jużaw il-vjolenza jew in-non-vjolenza meta "jmorru transnazzjonali." Iż-żewġ mistoqsijiet ewlenin li se tindirizza dan id-dokument huma: Għaliex il-movimenti Iżlamiċi jmorru transnazzjonali? U, għaliex jieħdu forom differenti meta jittrasnazzjonalizzaw? L-ewwel, Nargumenta li l-livell transnazzjonali jippreżenta post politiku ġdid għall-movimenti Iżlamiċi li huma limitati fit-talba tagħhom fil-livell domestiku. It-tieni, Nargumenta li t-transnazzjonalizzazzjoni toħloq inċertezza għal gruppi dwar l-identità u t-talbiet tagħhom fil-livell transnazzjonali. Il-mezz adottat, jiġifieri. użu tal-vjolenza kontra n-non-vjolenza, tiddependi fuq it-tip ta 'transnazzjonalizzazzjoni, l-atturi jiltaqgħu magħhom fil-livell transnazzjonali, u l-interpretazzjonijiet tat-tmexxija dwar fejn għandu jmur il-moviment. Biex inwieġeb il-mistoqsijiet tiegħi, Se nħares lejn erba 'każijiet: (1) Islam Tork, (2) il-Fratellanza Musulmana, (3) Jemaah Islamiyah, u (4) Tablighi Jamaat