RSSVsi vnosi z oznako: "islam"

Islam in izdelava državne moči

Seyyed vali reza Nasr

leta 1979 General Mohamed Zia ul-Haq, vojaški vladar Pakistan, izjavil, da bi Pakistan postala islamska država. Islamske vrednote in norme bi služil kot temelj nacionalne identitete, pravo, gospodarstvo, in socialni odnosi, in bi navdih vse oblikovanju politike. leta 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, the new prime minister of Malaysia, introduced a similar broad-based plan to anchor state policy making in Islamic values, and to bring his country’s laws and economic practices in line with the teachings of Islam. Why did these rulers choose the path of “Islamization” for their countries? And how did one-time secular postcolonial states become the agents of Islamization and the harbinger of the “true” Islamic state?
Malezija in Pakistan sta od poznih sedemdesetih do zgodnjih osemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja sledila edinstveni poti razvoja, ki se razlikuje od izkušenj drugih držav tretjega sveta.. V teh dveh državah je bila verska identiteta integrirana v državno ideologijo, da bi se cilj in proces razvoja seznanil z islamskimi vrednotami.
Ta podvig je predstavil tudi zelo drugačno sliko odnosa med islamom in politiko v muslimanskih družbah. V Maleziji in Pakistanu, to so bile državne institucije in ne islamistični aktivisti (tisti, ki zagovarjajo politično branje islama; znani tudi kot revivalisti ali fundamentalisti) ki so bili varuhi islama in zagovorniki njegovih interesov. To nakazuje a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, and more broadly how culture and religion serve the needs of state power and development. Analiza tukaj sloni na teoretičnih razpravah
v družbenih vedah državnega vedenja in vloge kulture in religije pri tem. Bolj pomembno, sklepa iz primerov, ki jih preučuje, da naredi širše zaključke, ki so zanimivi za discipline.

Iranski ženskah po islamski revoluciji

Ansiia Khaz Allii


Več kot trideset let je minilo, odkar zmagi islamske revolucije v Iranu, vendar ostajajo a številna vprašanja in dvoumnosti o tem, kako Islamska republika in njeni zakoni obravnavajo sodobnih problemov in trenutnih okoliščin, zlasti v zvezi z ženskami in pravic žensk. Ta krajši prispevek bo osvetlil ta vprašanja in preučil trenutni položaj žensk na različnih področjih, to primerjamo s stanjem pred islamsko revolucijo. Uporabljeni so bili zanesljivi in ​​preverjeni podatki wherever possible. The introduction summarises a number of theoretical and legal studies which provide the basis for the subsequent more practical analysis and are the sources from where the data has been obtained.
The first section considers attitudes of the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards women and women’s rights, and then takes a comprehensive look at the laws promulgated since the Islamic Revolution concerning women and their position in society. The second section considers women’s cultural and educational developments since the Revolution and compares these to the pre-revolutionary situation. The third section looks at women’s political, social and economic participation and considers both quantative and qualitative aspects of their employment. Četrti del nato obravnava vprašanja družine, the odnos med žensko in družino, in vlogo družine pri omejevanju ali povečanju pravic žensk v Islamska republika Iran.

Ženske v islamu

Amira Burghul

Kljub velikemu soglasju med velikim številom filozofov in zgodovinarjev, da je

Načela in nauki islama so povzročili temeljito spremembo položaja žensk

v primerjavi s takratnimi prevladujočimi razmerami v državah tako na vzhodu kot na zahodu, in kljub

strinjanje velikega števila mislecev in zakonodajalcev, da so ženske v času

Prerok (PBUH) so bile podeljene pravice in pravni privilegiji, ki jih zakon, ki ga je ustvaril človek, ni podelil do

pred kratkim, propagandne kampanje zahodnjakov in ljudi z zahodnjaško perspektivo

nenehno obtožujejo islam, da je nepravičen do žensk, nalaganju omejitev zanje, in

marginalizirajo svojo vlogo v družbi.

To stanje so poslabšali ozračje in razmere, ki prevladujejo po vsej državi

muslimanski svet, kjer sta nevednost in revščina ustvarili omejeno razumevanje vere

ter družinskih in človeških odnosov, ki ovirajo pravičnost in civiliziran način življenja, posebej

med moškimi in ženskami. Majhna skupina ljudi, ki je dobila priložnost za

pridobiti izobrazbo in sposobnosti so se ujeli tudi v past prepričanja, da je doseganje pravičnosti

za ženske in izkoriščanje njihovih sposobnosti je odvisno od zavračanja vere in pobožnosti ter

prevzeti zahodni način življenja, kot rezultat njihovega površnega preučevanja islama na eni strani

in učinek življenjskih zapletov na drugega.

Le zelo majhnemu številu ljudi iz teh dveh skupin je uspelo pobegniti in oditi

njihovi plašči nevednosti in tradicije. Ti ljudje so zelo poglobljeno preučevali svojo dediščino

in podrobnosti, in so na rezultate zahodnih izkušenj gledali odprto. Imajo

loči med zrnjem in plevmi v preteklosti in sedanjosti, in so se ukvarjali

znanstveno in objektivno z nastalimi problemi. Ovrgli so laž

obtožbe proti islamu z zgovornimi argumenti, in so priznali prikrite napake.

Ponovno so preučili tudi izreke in običaje Nezmotljivih, da bi

razlikovati med tem, kar je ustaljeno in sveto, in tem, kar je bilo spremenjeno in izkrivljeno.

Odgovorno ravnanje te skupine je vzpostavilo nove usmeritve in nove načine ravnanja

z vprašanjem žensk v islamskih družbah. Očitno še niso rešili vseh težav

in našli končne rešitve za številne zakonodajne vrzeli in pomanjkljivosti, vendar so položili

razlog za nastanek novega modela za muslimanke, ki sta hkrati močna in

zavezani pravnim in učinkovitim temeljem svoje družbe.

Z zmagoslavjem islamske revolucije v Iranu in blagoslovom njenih voditeljev, ki je

glavna verska avtoriteta za sodelovanje žensk in njihovo učinkovito politično in družbeno

sodelovanje, prostor za močno razpravo o ženskah v islamu se je znatno razširil.

Model muslimanskih žensk v Iranu se je razširil na islamska odporniška gibanja v Libanonu,

Palestino druge arabske države in celo zahodni svet, in kot rezultat, propaganda

kampanje proti islamu so do neke mere pojenjale.

Pojav salafijskih islamskih gibanj kot so talibani v Afganistanu ipd

Salafijska gibanja v Savdski Arabiji in Severni Afriki, in njihov fanatičen način ravnanja z ženskami,

so vznemirjene opazovalce, ki se bojijo ponovnega oživitve islama, spodbudili k sprožitvi nove propagande

kampanje, ki obtožujejo islam, da spodbuja terorizem ter je nazadnjaški in nepravičen do

ženske.

ISLAM, DEMOCRACY & THE USA:

Cordoba Foundation

Abdullah Faliq

Intro ,


In spite of it being both a perennial and a complex debate, Arches Quarterly reexamines from theological and practical grounds, the important debate about the relationship and compatibility between Islam and Democracy, as echoed in Barack Obama’s agenda of hope and change. Whilst many celebrate Obama’s ascendancy to the Oval Office as a national catharsis for the US, others remain less optimistic of a shift in ideology and approach in the international arena. While much of the tension and distrust between the Muslim world and the USA can be attributed to the approach of promoting democracy, typically favoring dictatorships and puppet regimes that pay lip-service to democratic values and human rights, the aftershock of 9/11 has truly cemented the misgivings further through America’s position on political Islam. It has created a wall of negativity as found by worldpublicopinion.org, according to which 67% of Egyptians believe that globally America is playing a “mainly negative” role.
America’s response has thus been apt. By electing Obama, many around the world are pinning their hopes for developing a less belligerent, but fairer foreign policy towards the Muslim world. Th e test for Obama, as we discuss, is how America and her allies promote democracy. Will it be facilitating or imposing?
Še več, can it importantly be an honest broker in prolonged zones of confl icts? Enlisting the expertise and insight of prolifi
c scholars, academics, seasoned journalists and politicians, Arches Quarterly brings to light the relationship between Islam and Democracy and the role of America – as well as the changes brought about by Obama, in seeking the common ground. Anas Altikriti, the CEO of Th e Cordoba Foundation provides the opening gambit to this discussion, where he refl ects on the hopes and challenges that rests on Obama’s path. Following Altikriti, the former advisor to President Nixon, Dr Robert Crane off ers a thorough analysis of the Islamic principle of the right to freedom. Anwar Ibrahim, former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, enriches the discussion with the practical realities of implementing democracy in Muslim dominant societies, namreč, in Indonesia and Malaysia.
We also have Dr Shireen Hunter, of Georgetown University, ZDA, who explores Muslim countries lagging in democratisation and modernisation. Th is is complemented by terrorism writer, Dr Nafeez Ahmed’s explanation of the crisis of post-modernity and the
demise of democracy. Dr Daud Abdullah (Director of Middle East Media Monitor), Alan Hart (former ITN and BBC Panorama correspondent; author of Zionism: Th e Real Enemy of the Jews) and Asem Sondos (Editor of Egypt’s Sawt Al Omma weekly) concentrate on Obama and his role vis-à-vis democracy-promotion in the Muslim world, as well as US relations with Israel and the Muslim Brotherhood.
Minister of Foreign Aff airs, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed speculates on the future of Islam and Democracy; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
a Sinn Féin member who endured four years in prison for Irish Republican activities and a campaigner for the Guildford 4 and Birmingham 6, refl ects on his recent trip to Gaza where he witnessed the impact of the brutality and injustice meted out against Palestinians; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Director of the Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Contemporary Political Violence discusses the challenges of critically researching political terror; Dr Khalid al-Mubarak, writer and playwright, discusses prospects of peace in Darfur; and fi nally journalist and human rights activist Ashur Shamis looks critically at the democratisation and politicisation of Muslims today.
We hope all this makes for a comprehensive reading and a source for refl ection on issues that aff ect us all in a new dawn of hope.
Thank you

Islamska politična kultura, demokracija, in človekove pravice

Daniel E. Cena

Trdimo, da islam olajša avtoritarnost, contradicts the values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes in Muslim nations. Posledično, učenjaki, komentatorji, and government officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next ideological threat to liberal democracies. Ta pogled, vendar, is based primarily on the analysis of texts, Islamska politična teorija, and ad hoc studies of individual countries, ki ne upoštevajo drugih dejavnikov. It is my contention that the texts and traditions of Islam, kot druge religije, se lahko uporablja za podporo različnih političnih sistemov in politik. Country specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the countries of the Muslim world. Od tod tudi, nov pristop k preučevanju
zahteva se povezava med islamom in politiko.
predlagam, s strogo oceno odnosa med islamom, demokracija, in človekove pravice na mednarodni ravni, that too much emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay between Islamic groups and regimes, ekonomski vplivi, etnične razcepe, in družbeni razvoj, to explain the variance in the influence of Islam on politics across eight nations. I argue that much of the power
attributed to Islam as the driving force behind policies and political systems in Muslim nations can be better explained by the previously mentioned factors. I also find, contrary to common belief, that the increasing strength of Islamic political groups has often been associated with modest pluralization of political systems.
I have constructed an index of Islamic political culture, based on the extent to which Islamic law is utilized and whether and, if so, how,Western ideas, institucije, and technologies are implemented, to test the nature of the relationship between Islam and democracy and Islam and human rights. This indicator is used in statistical analysis, which includes a sample of twenty-three predominantly Muslim countries and a control group of twenty-three non-Muslim developing nations. In addition to comparing
Islamic nations to non-Islamic developing nations, statistical analysis allows me to control for the influence of other variables that have been found to affect levels of democracy and the protection of individual rights. The result should be a more realistic and accurate picture of the influence of Islam on politics and policies.

In Search of Islamic Constitutionalism

Nadirsyah Hosen

While constitutionalism in the West is mostly identified with secular thought, Islamic constitutionalism, which incorporates some religious elements, has attracted growing interest in recent years. Na primer, the Bush administration’s response to the events of 9/11 radically transformed the situation in Iraq and Afghanistan, and both countries are now rewriting their constitutions. As
Ann Elizabeth Mayer points out, Islamic constitutionalism is constitutionalism that is, in some form, based on Islamic principles, as opposed to the constitutionalism developed in countries that happen to be Muslim but which has not been informed by distinctively Islamic principles. Several Muslim scholars, among them Muhammad Asad3 and Abul A`la al-Maududi, have written on such aspects of constitutional issues as human rights and the separation of powers. Vendar pa, in general their works fall into apologetics, as Chibli Mallat points out:
Whether for the classical age or for the contemporary Muslim world, scholarly research on public law must respect a set of axiomatic requirements.
Prvič, the perusal of the tradition cannot be construed as a mere retrospective reading. By simply projecting present-day concepts backwards, it is all too easy to force the present into the past either in an apologetically contrived or haughtily dismissive manner. The approach is apologetic and contrived when Bills of Rights are read into, say, the Caliphate of `Umar, with the presupposition that the “just” qualities of `Umar included the complex and articulate precepts of constitutional balance one finds in modern texts

Islam in islamizem v Afganistanu

Kristin Mendoza

Zlasti zadnjega pol stoletja se je religiozni islam pogosto uporabljal kot

ideologija, pogosto imenovani politični islam ali islamizem, v skupinah, ki se zavzemajo za

ustanovitev islamske države. Pozornost je pritegnil Afganistan, ko je to postalo

zbirališče islamistov v osemdesetih letih. Vendar pa, prejšnji videz an

Islamistično gibanje v Afganistanu v šestdesetih letih in njegov kasnejši razvoj ponujata

poučno, edinstvena lekcija o razumevanju islama in islamizma v afganistanski družbi.

Ta pregled islamističnega gibanja v Afganistanu je razdeljen na tri

deli: Začne se z opredelitvijo različnih manifestacij islama v Afganistanu,

ki kažejo, kako se islamizem razlikuje od vsake manifestacije pri konstruiranju ali jo črpa iz nje

lastno vizijo. Potem, širši kontekst islamizma drugod po muslimanskem svetu je

razpravljali in analizirali. Čeprav je bila teoretična osnova islamizma zgrajena leta

1960 Abu Ala Mawdudi v Pakistanu in Sayyid Qutb v Egiptu, ta papir bo

kažejo, da islamistično gibanje v Afganistanu ni zrcalilo tistih v nobenem od teh

držav. V ta namen, ta prispevek pregleduje misel na zgoraj omenjeno

teoretikov islamizma, in oriše zgodovinske in družbene razmere, ki so obarvale

izvajanje svojih modelov v svojih državah. To vodi nazaj k a

razprava o afganistanskem kontekstu, ki sestavlja zadnji del prispevka. je

potrebno za pregled pomembnih vidikov tradicionalne strukture afganistanske družbe, in

vlogo, ki jo je islam v zgodovini igral v Afganistanu, da bi razumel, kako je islamist

ta struktura je oblikovala in omejevala izkušnje, pa tudi kako islamist

izkušnje so ga spremenile.
Ker se Afganistan zdaj sooča z monumentalno nalogo obnove države in

pravni sistem, Islamisti poskušajo vplivati ​​na obnovo. Ta pregled bo

za tiste, ki opazujejo in sodelujejo v tem procesu, poudarjajo pomen

razumevanje afganistanske islamistične perspektive, njene zgodovinske podlage, in trenutni

zahteve.


Egypt at the Tipping Point ?

David B. Ottaway
In the early 1980s, I lived in Cairo as bureau chief of The Washington Post covering such historic events as the withdrawal of the last
Israeli forces from Egyptian territory occupied during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and the assassination of President
Anwar Sadat by Islamic fanatics in October 1981.
The latter national drama, which I witnessed personally, had proven to be a wrenching milestone. It forced Sadat’s successor, Hosni Mubarak, to turn inwards to deal with an Islamist challenge of unknown proportions and effectively ended Egypt’s leadership role in the Arab world.
Mubarak immediately showed himself to be a highly cautious, unimaginative leader, maddeningly reactive rather than pro-active in dealing with the social and economic problems overwhelming his nation like its explosive population growth (1.2 million more Egyptians a year) and economic decline.
In a four-part Washington Post series written as I was departing in early 1985, I noted the new Egyptian leader was still pretty much
a total enigma to his own people, offering no vision and commanding what seemed a rudderless ship of state. The socialist economy
inherited from the era of President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952 do 1970) was a mess. The country’s currency, the pound, was operating
on eight different exchange rates; its state-run factories were unproductive, uncompetitive and deep in debt; and the government was heading for bankruptcy partly because subsidies for food, electricity and gasoline were consuming one-third ($7 billion) of its budget. Cairo had sunk into a hopeless morass of gridlocked traffic and teeming humanity—12 million people squeezed into a narrow band of land bordering the Nile River, most living cheek by jowl in ramshackle tenements in the city’s ever-expanding slums.

Korenine nacionalizma v muslimanskem svetu

Shabir Ahmed

Muslimanski svet je značilna neuspeh, neenotnosti, prelivanje krvi, zatiranje in zaostalost. Trenutno, ni muslimanska država na svetu, lahko upravičeno trdijo, da so vodilni na vseh področjih človekovega delovanja. Prav zares, ne-muslimani iz Vzhoda in Zahoda
zdaj narekujejo socialne, gospodarski in politični program za muslimanske Ummah.
Poleg tega, Muslimani se identificirajo kot turška, Arabska, Afriških in pakistanski. Če to ni dovolj, Muslimani so nadalje razdeljena v vsaki državi ali celini. na primer:, V Pakistanu so ljudje razvrščeni kot Punjabis, Sindhis, Balauchis in
Pathans. Muslimanska Ummah bila nikoli soočena s takšno dilemo v preteklosti med islamskim pravilom. Nikoli ne trpi zaradi neenotnosti, razširjena zatiranje, stagnacija na področju znanosti in tehnologije ter zagotovo ne iz notranjih konfliktov, ki smo jim bili priča v tem stoletju kot vojni Iran, Irak. Torej, kaj je šlo narobe z muslimani tega stoletja? Zakaj je toliko Feuds med njimi in zakaj so videli, da se borijo med seboj? Kaj je povzročilo svojo šibkost in kako bodo nikoli opomogla od sedanje stagnacije?
Obstaja veliko dejavnikov, ki so prispevali k temu stanju, ampak najpomembnejše so opustitev arabski jezik kot jezik razumevanja islama pravilno in opravljanje ijtihad, absorpcija tujih kultur, kot so filozofij Grki, Perzijskih in hindujci, postopna izguba osrednjega organa po nekaterih pokrajinah, in vzpon nacionalizma od 19. stoletja.
Ta knjiga se osredotoča na izvor nacionalizma v muslimanskem svetu. Nacionalizem ni pojavilo v muslimanskem svetu naravno, niti ni nastala kot odziv na morebitne stiske, ki jih ljudje s katerimi se soočajo, niti zaradi frustracije se jim je zdelo, ko se Evropa začeli prevlado na svetu po industrijski revoluciji. Precej, nacionalizem je bil vsadi v glavah muslimanov z dobro premišljen sistem, ki ga v evropskih sil, po njihovem neuspehu, da uniči državo islamski s silo. Knjiga predstavlja tudi islamski sodbo o nacionalizmu in praktičnih ukrepih, ki jih je mogoče sprejeti za izkoreninjenje bolezni nacionalizma iz muslimanske Ummah tako, da ga ponovno nazaj v svojo nekdanjo slavo.

ISLAMSKA VERA v AMERICI

James. Beverley

AMERIKA ZAČENI NOVI MILENIJ, KI JE NAJBOLJ RELIGIOUSLY raznolikih narodov vseh časov. Nikjer drugje na svetu se tako veliko ljudi - ki jim je bila ponujena izbira brez vpliva vlade - poistoveti s tako široko paleto verskih in duhovnih skupnosti. Nikjer drugje človeško iskanje smisla ni bilo tako raznoliko. V Ameriki danes, obstajajo skupnosti in centri za čaščenje, ki predstavljajo vse svetovne religije.
Ameriška pokrajina je pikčasta s cerkvami, templji, sinagoge, in mošeje. Zen budistični zendovi sedijo ob binkoštnih tabernakelih. Hasidski Judje se sprehajajo po ulicah s hindujskimi svami. Najbolj neverjetno od vseh, razmeroma malo konfliktov je prišlo med religijami v Ameriki. To dejstvo, v kombinaciji z visoko stopnjo tolerance med prepričanji in praksami drug drugega, je dovolila Ameriki, da ustvari ljudi dobre volje, ki so pripravljeni poskušati razrešiti morebitne napetosti. Serija Vera v Ameriko slavi raznoliko ameriško versko dediščino.
Ljudje vere in idealov, ki so hrepeneli po boljšem svetu, so ustvarili edinstveno družbo, v kateri je svoboda verskega izražanja temelj kulture. Svoboda, ki jo Amerika ponuja ljudem vere, pomeni, da niso imele domovanja le starodavne religije
tukaj, vendar so se uveljavili tudi novejši načini izražanja duhovnosti. Od ogromnih cerkva v velikih mestih do majhnih duhovnih skupnosti v mestih in vaseh, vera v Ameriko še nikoli ni bila močnejša. Poti, ki so jih prehodile različne religije
Ameriška zgodovina je le ena od zgodb, ki jih bodo bralci našli v tej seriji. Kot vse, kar ljudje ustvarjajo, religija še zdaleč ni popolna. Vendar pa, njen prispevek k kulturi in zmožnost pomagati ljudem sta impresivna, in te dosežke bomo našli v vseh knjigah v seriji. Medtem, zavedanje in strpnost do različnih poti, ki jih vodijo naši sosedje do duhovnega življenja, je postalo vse pomembnejši del državljanstva v Ameriki.
Danes, bolj kot kdajkoli, Amerika kot celota daje svojo vero v svobodo - svobodo verovanja.

Islamistične opozicijske stranke in potencial za sodelovanje v EU

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

Glede na vse večji pomen islamističnih gibanj v muslimanskem svetu in

način, kako je radikalizacija vplivala na svetovne dogodke od preloma stoletja, to

Pomembno je, da EU oceni svoje politike do akterjev znotraj tistega, kar je lahko ohlapno

imenovan "islamski svet". Še posebej pomembno je vprašati, ali in kako se vključiti

z različnimi islamističnimi skupinami.

To ostaja sporno tudi v EU. Nekateri menijo, da islamske vrednote to

ležijo za islamističnimi strankami preprosto niso združljive z zahodnimi ideali demokracije in

človekove pravice, medtem ko drugi zaradi naraščajočega vidika angažiranost vidijo kot realno potrebo

domačega pomena islamističnih strank in njihovega vse večjega vključevanja v mednarodne

zadeve. Druga perspektiva je, da bi se demokratizacija v muslimanskem svetu povečala

Evropska varnost. Veljavnost teh in drugih argumentov glede tega, ali in kako

EU bi se morala vključiti v preizkus le s preučevanjem različnih islamističnih gibanj in

njihove politične okoliščine, po državi.

Demokratizacija je osrednja tema skupnih zunanjepolitičnih ukrepov EU, kot je bilo položeno

v členu 11 Pogodbe o Evropski uniji. Pri tem so upoštevale številne države

Poročilo ni demokratično, ali ne povsem demokratičen. V večini teh držav, Islamistični

stranke in gibanja predstavljajo veliko nasprotovanje prevladujočim režimom, in

v nekaterih tvorijo največji opozicijski blok. Evropske demokracije so že dolgo morale

ukvarjajo se z vladnimi režimi, ki so avtoritarni, vendar je nov pritisk nov

za demokratično reformo v državah, v katerih imajo najverjetnejši upravičenci, Iz

Stališče EU, različni in včasih problematični pristopi k demokraciji in njeni

povezane vrednosti, kot so manjšinske in ženske pravice ter pravna država. Te obtožbe so

pogosto nasprotovan islamističnim gibanjem, zato je pomembno, da evropski oblikovalci politike to storijo

imeti natančno sliko o politikah in filozofijah potencialnih partnerjev.

Izkušnje iz različnih držav kažejo, da je islamistično več svobode

zabave so dovoljene, bolj zmerni so v svojih dejanjih in idejah. V veliko

primeri, ko se islamistične stranke in skupine že zdavnaj odmikajo od svojega prvotnega cilja

o ustanovitvi Islamske države, ki jo ureja islamsko pravo, in sprejeli osnovne

demokratična načela volilne konkurence za oblast, obstoj drugih političnih

tekmovalci, in politični pluralizem.

Politični islam na Bližnjem vzhodu

so Knudsen

To poročilo predstavlja uvod v izbrane vidike pojava

imenovani "politični islam". Poročilo daje poseben poudarek na Bližnjem vzhodu, v

zlasti levantinske države, in opisuje dva vidika islamističnega gibanja, ki lahko

velja za polarna nasprotja: demokracija in politično nasilje. V tretjem delu poročila

pregleda nekatere glavne teorije, ki se uporabljajo za razlago islamskega vstajenja na Bližnjem vzhodu

(Slika 1). V pismu, poročilo kaže, da islam ni treba združiti z demokracijo in

da je pogosto zanemarjati dejstvo, da so bile številne države Bližnjega vzhoda

vključeni v brutalno zatiranje islamističnih gibanj, jih povzroča, nekateri trdijo, da se lotijo

orožje proti državi, in redkeje, tuje države. Uporaba političnega nasilja je

razširjena na Bližnjem vzhodu, vendar ni niti nelogičen niti neracionalen. V mnogih primerih celo

Islamistične skupine, znane po uporabi nasilja, so se spremenile v mirne politične

stranke, ki uspešno kandidirajo na občinskih in državnih volitvah. Kljub temu, islamisti

oživitev na Bližnjem vzhodu ostaja deloma nepojasnjena kljub številnim teorijam, ki si jih prizadevajo

za njegovo rast in priljubljenost. Na splošno, večina teorij meni, da je islamizem a

reakcija na relativno pomanjkanje, zlasti socialna neenakost in politično zatiranje. Alternativa

teorije iščejo odgovor na islamistični preporod znotraj meja same religije in

močan, evokativni potencial verske simbolike.

Zaključek trdi v prid prehodu iz pristopa "mračnost in usoda"

predstavlja islamizem kot nelegitimen politični izraz in potencialno grožnjo Zahodu ("Star

Islamizem ”), in bolj zatemnjenega razumevanja sedanje demokratizacije islamistov

gibanje, ki se zdaj odvija po vsem Bližnjem vzhodu ("Novi islamizem"). Tole

pomembnost razumevanja ideoloških korenin "novega islamizma" je v ospredju

skupaj s potrebo po temeljitem poznavanju islamističnih gibanj in njihovih izkušenj iz prve roke

pristaši. Kot družbena gibanja, Trdimo, da je treba dati večji poudarek

razumevanje načinov, kako so lahko uresničevali težnje ne le

revnejših slojev družbe, pa tudi srednjega razreda.

ISLAM, ISLAMISTS, AND THE ELECTORAL PRINCIPLE I N THE MIDDLE EAST

James Piscatori

For an idea whose time has supposedly come, ÒdemocracyÓ masks an astonishing

number of unanswered questions and, in the Muslim world, has generated

a remarkable amount of heat. Is it a culturally specific term, reflecting Western

European experiences over several centuries? Do non-Western societies possess

their own standards of participation and accountabilityÑand indeed their own

rhythms of developmentÑwhich command attention, if not respect? Does Islam,

with its emphasis on scriptural authority and the centrality of sacred law, allow

for flexible politics and participatory government?

The answers to these questions form part of a narrative and counter-narrative

that themselves are an integral part of a contested discourse. The larger story

concerns whether or not ÒIslamÓ constitutes a threat to the West, and the supplementary

story involves IslamÕs compatibility with democracy. The intellectual

baggage, to change the metaphor, is scarcely neutral. The discussion itself has

become acutely politicised, caught in the related controversies over Orientalism,

the exceptionalism of the Middle East in particular and the Muslim world in general,

and the modernism of religious ÒfundamentalistÓ movements.

Rethinking International Relations Theory in Islam

Mohammad Abo-Kazleh

The legal foundation of foreign relations in Islam is based on Sharīy’ah. The original sources ofSharīy’ah are the Quran and the Prophetic traditions (Sunnah). Derived from Sharīy’ah is theFiqh or Islamic jurisprudence which covers the myriad of problems and issues that arise in thecourse of man’s life. (al-Mawdūdī, 2002) Among the main issues which the contemporaryIslamic jurisprudence attempt to deal with are foreign relations in Islam. Muslim jurists havedeveloped different opinions about the organizing principle of foreign relations in Islam. Some(hereafter referred to as traditionalists) who were influenced by the realistic tendency of Islamicstate, particularly during the periods of Conquest, believe that foreign relations in Islamoriginally depend on the attitude of non-Muslim groups or states toward Islam and Muslims.Therefore, the basis of foreign relations of Islamic state is fight, but under certain conditions. Incontrast, other jurists (hereafter referred to as pacifists or non-traditionalists) believe that theorigin of foreign relations in Islam is peace, because the Quran unambiguously states “there isno compulsion in religion.”(2: 256) Skladno s tem, the principle of war advocated bytraditionalists is, non-traditionalists believe, not compatible with this unrelenting Quranic rule.The differences over the original principle of foreign relations in Islam are usually attributed tothe fact that exegetes of the Quran most often diverge in their approach to analyze andunderstand the related Quranic verses, and this create a dilemma in Islamic jurisprudence. Theproblem is complicated because proponents of both approaches depend on Quranic verses tojustify their claims.

German Converts to Islam and Their Ambivalent Relations with Immigrant Muslims

Esra Özyürek

“I would never have become a Muslim if I had met Muslims before I met Islam.” I heard these words over and over again during my yearlong ethnographic research among ethnic German converts to Islam in Berlin.1 The first time, it was uttered by a self-declared German imam who had converted to Islam while trying to convert Arabs and Turks to Christianity. The second time, the speaker was a twenty-five-year-old former East German woman who came to Islam through her Bosnian boyfriend, whose family never accepted her. The third time, the comment was made by a fifty-year-old man who converted to Islam about thirty years ago after meeting Iranians who came to Europe to collect money and organize for the Iranian revolution. After that I stopped counting. Although all of the several dozen German converts I talked to (and the dozens of converts whose narratives I read on the internet) claim that they embraced Islam in a context of significant personal relationships with Muslims,2 a substantial portion of German Muslims are quite discontented with born Muslims, especially those of immigrant backgrounds. This paper is an attempt to comprehend the paradoxical feelings of love and hate for Islam and Muslims that many German Muslims experience. My aim in exploring this issue is to understand what it takes to be a (supposed) Islamophile in a political and social context that is highly Islamophobic.

Progressive Thinking in Contemporary Islam

Prof. dr. Christian W. Troll

It seems sensible to start by shedding light on the background context and then to define the broader framework within which theprogressive thinkingin contemporary Islam which we want to discuss is embedded. The movements and trends which are shaping the contemporary Islamic world can be analyzed and assessed in the light of two conflicting forces, namely the notions of authenticity on the one hand and modernity on the other.
Such an approach perceives contemporary Islam as being torn between the authenticity in matters of life and doctrine which it derives from its past and the modernity which refers it to a present (and a future) in which Muslims no longer hold the reins of power and are therefore no longer able to control the development of thought.
Islam is centred on a scripture which it holds in faith to be the revelation of God. This scripture, the Qur’an, is believed to be eternal and immutable in form and content and thus to be valid for every place and time, to contain a truth which obtains for ever. Modernity, by contrast, is characterized by the relativity and the progressive nature of all truth. For the modernists there is nothing, spoken or written, which cannot be construed and questioned, which cannot and indeed should not be further refined by the human mind.
Islam thus sees itself positioned between the authenticity of a truth – that of the Qur’an as a – so to speak – naked, irrefutable fact – and a modernity whose knowledge in all fields is constantly being reconstructed. Is the solution to be found in modernizing Islam or in Islamizing modernity? It is the task of the Muslims to answer this question.