RSSमें सभी प्रविष्टियों "पढ़ाई & शोध" श्रेणी

मिस्र के मुस्लिम भाइयों: टकराव या एकीकरण?

Research

The Society of Muslim Brothers’ success in the November-December 2005 elections for the People’s Assembly sent shockwaves through Egypt’s political system. In response, the regime cracked down on the movement, harassed other potential rivals and reversed its fledging reform process. This is dangerously short-sighted. There is reason to be concerned about the Muslim Brothers’ political program, and they owe the people genuine clarifications about several of its aspects. But the ruling National Democratic
Party’s (NDP) refusal to loosen its grip risks exacerbating tensions at a time of both political uncertainty surrounding the presidential succession and serious socio-economic unrest. Though this likely will be a prolonged, gradual process, the regime should take preliminary steps to normalise the Muslim Brothers’ participation in political life. The Muslim Brothers, whose social activities have long been tolerated but whose role in formal politics is strictly limited, won an unprecedented 20 per cent of parliamentary seats in the 2005 चुनाव. They did so despite competing for only a third of available seats and notwithstanding considerable obstacles, including police repression and electoral fraud. This success confirmed their position as an extremely wellorganised and deeply rooted political force. एक ही समय पर, it underscored the weaknesses of both the legal opposition and ruling party. The regime might well have wagered that a modest increase in the Muslim Brothers’ parliamentary representation could be used to stoke fears of an Islamist takeover and thereby serve as a reason to stall reform. If so, the strategy is at heavy risk of backfiring.

इस्लाम और लोकतंत्र: टेक्स्ट, परंपरा, और इतिहास

Ahrar अहमद

पश्चिम में लोकप्रिय छवि एक प्रगतिशील का मानना ​​है के लिए करते हैं, तर्कसंगत, और एक पिछड़े के खिलाफ मुक्त पश्चिम, दमनकारी, और इस्लाम की धमकी. Public opinion polls conducted in the United States during the 1990s revealed a consistent pattern of Americans labeling Muslims as “religious fanatics” and considering Islam’s ethos as fundamentally “anti-democratic.”1 These characterizations
and misgivings have, for obvious reasons, significantly worsened since the tragedy of 9/11. तथापि, these perceptions are not reflected merely in the popular consciousness or crude media representations. Respected scholars also have contributed to this climate of opinion by writing about the supposedly irreconcilable differences between Islam and the West, the famous “clash of civilizations” that is supposed to be imminent and inevitable, and about the seeming incompatibility between Islam and democracy. उदाहरण के लिए, Professor Peter Rodman worries that “we are challenged from the outside by a militant atavistic force driven by hatred of all Western political thought harking back to age-old grievances against Christendom.” Dr. Daniel Pipes proclaims that the Muslims challenge the West more profoundly than the communists ever did, for “while the Communists disagree with our policies, the fundamentalist Muslims despise our whole way of life.” Professor Bernard Lewis warns darkly about “the historic reaction of an ancient rival against our Judeo–Christian heritage, our secular present, and the expansion of both.” Professor Amos Perlmutter asks: “Is Islam, fundamentalist or otherwise, compatible with human-rights oriented Western style representative democracy? The answer is an emphatic NO.” And Professor Samuel Huntington suggests with a flourish that “the problem is not Islamic fundamentalism, but Islam itself.” It would be intellectually lazy and simple-minded to dismiss their positions as based merely on spite or prejudice. In fact, if one ignores some rhetorical overkill, some of their charges, though awkward for Muslims, are relevant to a discussion of the relationship between Islam and democracy in the modern world. उदाहरण के लिए, the position of women or sometimes non-Muslims in some Muslim countries is problematic in terms of the supposed legal equality of all people in a democracy. इसी तरह, the intolerance directed by some Muslims against writers (e.g., Salman Rushdie in the UK, Taslima Nasrin in Bangladesh, and Professor Nasr Abu Zaid in Egypt) ostensibly jeopardizes the principle of free speech, which is essential to a democracy.
It is also true that less than 10 of the more than 50 members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference have institutionalized democratic principles or processes as understood in the West, and that too, only tentatively. अंत में, the kind of internal stability and external peace that is almost a prerequisite for a democracy to function is vitiated by the turbulence of internal implosion or external aggression evident in many Muslim countries today (e.g., सोमालिया, सूडान, इंडोनेशिया, पाकिस्तान, इराक, अफ़ग़ानिस्तान, एलजीरिया, and Bosnia).

इराक और राजनीतिक इस्लाम का भविष्य

जेम्स Piscatori

पैंसठ साल पहले एक आधुनिक इस्लाम का सबसे बड़ा विद्वानों के सरल सवाल पूछा, "जिधर इस्लाम?", इस्लामी दुनिया में जहाँ जा रहा था? साम्राज्यवाद के निधन और यूरोप के बाहर एक नए राज्य प्रणाली के crystallisation - यह दोनों पश्चिमी और मुस्लिम दुनिया में तीव्र अशांति का एक समय था; रचना और नव का परीक्षण- राष्ट्र की लीग में Wilsonian विश्व व्यवस्था; यूरोपीय फासीवाद के उद्भव. सर हैमिल्टन गिब ने माना कि मुस्लिम समाज, ऐसी दुनिया की प्रवृत्तियों से बचने में असमर्थ, राष्ट्रवाद की समान रूप से अपरिहार्य पैठ का भी सामना करना पड़ा, धर्मनिरपेक्षता, और पश्चिमीकरण. जबकि उन्होंने समझदारी से भविष्यवाणी करने के खिलाफ चेतावनी दी - मध्य पूर्वी और इस्लामी राजनीति में रुचि रखने वाले हम सभी के लिए खतरे - उन्होंने दो चीजों के बारे में निश्चित महसूस किया:
(ए) इस्लामी दुनिया एकजुटता के आदर्श और विभाजन की वास्तविकताओं के बीच आगे बढ़ेगी;
(बी) भविष्य की कुंजी नेतृत्व में निहित है, या जो इस्लाम के लिए आधिकारिक रूप से बोलता है.
आज जब हम इराक पर गहराते संकट का सामना कर रहे हैं तो गिब के पूर्वानुमानों की प्रासंगिकता नए सिरे से हो सकती है, आतंकवाद के खिलाफ एक विस्तृत और विवादास्पद युद्ध का खुलासा, और जारी फिलीस्तीनी समस्या. In this lecture I would like to look at the factors that may affect the course of Muslim politics in the present period and near-term future. Although the points I will raise are likely to have broader relevance, I will draw mainly on the case of the Arab world.
Assumptions about Political Islam There is no lack of predictions when it comes to a politicised Islam or Islamism. ‘Islamism’ is best understood as a sense that something has gone wrong with contemporary Muslim societies and that the solution must lie in a range of political action. Often used interchangeably with ‘fundamentalism’, Islamism is better equated with ‘political Islam’. Several commentators have proclaimed its demise and the advent of the post-Islamist era. They argue that the repressive apparatus of the state has proven more durable than the Islamic opposition and that the ideological incoherence of the Islamists has made them unsuitable to modern political competition. The events of September 11th seemed to contradict this prediction, yet, unshaken, they have argued that such spectacular, virtually anarchic acts only prove the bankruptcy of Islamist ideas and suggest that the radicals have abandoned any real hope of seizing power.

इस्लाम और अफगानिस्तान में इस्लामवाद

क्रिस्टीन मेंडोज़ा

The last half-century in particular has seen the recurrent use of religious Islam as

विचारधारा, अक्सर के रूप में राजनीतिक इस्लाम या इस्लामवाद को भेजा, in groups espousing the

establishment of an Islamic state. Attention was drawn to Afghanistan when it became

the rallying point for Islamists in the 1980s. तथापि, the earlier appearance of an

Islamist movement in Afghanistan in the 1960s and its subsequent development offer an

instructive, unique lesson in understanding Islam and Islamism in Afghan society.

This overview of the Islamist movement in Afghanistan is divided into three

parts: It begins by defining the differing manifestations of Islam in Afghanistan,

indicating how Islamism differs from or draws upon each manifestation in constructing

its own vision. फिर, the broader context of Islamism elsewhere in the Muslim world is

discussed and analyzed. Although the theoretical basis for Islamism was constructed in

the 1960s by Abu ‘Ala Mawdudi in Pakistan and Sayyid Qutb in Egypt, this paper will

show that the Islamist movement in Afghanistan did not mirror those in either of these

countries. To this end, this paper reviews the thought of the above-mentioned

theoreticians of Islamism, and outlines historical and social conditions that colored the

implementation of their models in their respective countries. This leads back to a

discussion of the Afghan context, which makes up the final part of the paper. It is

necessary to review salient aspects of the traditional structure of Afghan society, और

role Islam has historically played in Afghanistan to understand how the Islamist

experience was shaped and constrained by this structure, as well as how the Islamist

experience has altered it.
As Afghanistan is now faced with the monumental task of rebuilding a state and

legal system, Islamists are attempting to influence the reconstruction. This overview will

underscore for those observing and participating in this process the importance of

understanding the Afghan Islamist perspective, its historical underpinnings, and current

demands.


वैश्वीकरण और राजनीतिक इस्लाम: तुर्की के कल्याण पक्ष के सामाजिक आधार

Haldun Gulalp

Political Islam has gained heightened visibility in recent decades in Turkey. Large numbers of female students have begun to demonstrate their commitment by wearing the banned Islamic headdress on university campuses, and influential pro-Islamist TV
channels have proliferated. This paper focuses on the Welfare (Refah) Party as the foremost institutional representative of political Islam in Turkey.
The Welfare Party’s brief tenure in power as the leading coalition partner from mid-1996 to mid-1997 was the culmination of a decade of steady growth that was aided by other Islamist organizations and institutions. These organizations and institutions
included newspapers and publishing houses that attracted Islamist writers, numerous Islamic foundations, an Islamist labor-union confederation, and an Islamist businessmen’s association. These institutions worked in tandem with, and in support of, Welfare as the undisputed leader and representative of political Islam in Turkey, even though they had their own particularistic goals and ideals, which often diverged from Welfare’s political projects. Focusing on the Welfare Party, फिर, allows for an analysis of the wider social base upon which the Islamist political movement rose in Turkey. Since Welfare’s ouster from power and its eventual closure, the Islamist movement has been in disarray. इस पत्र होगा, therefore, be confined to the Welfare Party period.
Welfare’s predecessor, the National Salvation Party, was active in the 1970s but was closed down by the military regime in 1980. Welfare was founded in 1983 and gained great popularity in the 1990s. Starting with a 4.4 percent vote in the municipal elections of 1984, the Welfare Party steadily increased its showing and multiplied its vote nearly five times in twelve years. It alarmed Turkey’s secular establishment first in the municipal elections of 1994, with 19 percent of all votes nationwide and the mayor’s seats in both Istanbul and Ankara, then in the general elections of 1995 when it won a plurality with 21.4 percent of the national vote. Nevertheless, the Welfare Party was only briefly able to lead a coalition government in partnership with the right-wing True Path Party of Tansu C¸ iller.

यूरोप में मस्जिदों से अधिक संघर्ष

Stefano छात्र

As the reader will immediately see, the present study is the only one in the series not to have a general point of reference. Instead of addressing a broad issue such as places of worship, it focuses right from the outset on a single issue: the question of mosques, which is identified as a separate issue with its own specific characteristics.
This approach faithfully reflects the current state of affairs, as we will demonstrate in the pages below. Although forms of discrimination on the basis of religion are not completely absent – in particular, cases of discrimination towards certain minority religions or religious beliefs, some of which have even come before the European courts – in no country and in no other case has the opening of places of worship taken on such a high profile in the public imagination as the question of mosques and Islamic places of worship. With the passage of time, the question of mosques has led to more and more frequent disputes, debates, conflicts and posturing, even in countries where such conflicts were previously unknown and mosques were already present. This simple fact already puts us on a road that we might define as ‘exceptionalism’ with reference to Islam: a tendency to see Islam and Muslims as an exceptional case rather than a standard one; a case that does not sit comfortably with others relating to religious pluralism, और
which therefore requires special bodies, actions and specifically targeted reactions, unlike those used for other groups and religious minorities, और (as in the present study) specific research. 8 Conflicts over mosques in Europe An example of this exceptionalism is seen in the forms of representation of Islam in various European countries, which vary from case to case but differ, in particular, with respect to the recognized practices of relations between states and religious denominations in general. The most symbolic case is the creation in various countries, such as France, स्पेन, Belgium and Italy, of collective bodies of Islamic representation, with forms that often contradict the principles of non‑interference in the internal affairs of religious communities proclaimed and enshrined for other denominations and religious minorities. Forms of exceptionalism from a legal, political and social perspective are, तथापि, present in many other fields, following a pervasive trend which affects countries with the widest range of state structures and which appears to be in a phase of further growth.
This situation, together with the increasingly evident emergence into the public arena of the dynamics of a conflict involving Islam (a kind of conflict in which the construction of mosques is the most frequent and widespread cause of disagreement), led to a desire to analyse recent cases of conflict, including clashes in countries that are regarded as peripheral within the European Union (मुझे) or
that lie beyond its borders. For this reason, we have chosen, contrary to the usual practice, to pay closest attention to the least studied and analysed countries, for which scientific literature is least abundant. Setting off on this supposition, we believe that meaningful data for the interpretation of broader dynamics may emerge from an extensive analysis of the frequency and pervasiveness of these conflicts, which are also affecting countries with a long history of immigration and are more generally affecting the relationship between Islam and Europe.For this reason we conducted a set of empirical investigations across seven European countries that are among the least studied and least known in this respect. We selected three Mediterranean countries which in certain respects vary greatly from one another: two countries in similar situations, where there is new immigration from Muslim countries and the memory of ancient historical domination (Spain and Italy); and one in which there is new immigration
from Muslim countries along with a significant historical Islamic presence (the memory of Turkish Ottoman domination) that poses a number of problems (Greece). Also chosen were two countries which have a very significant historical Islamic presence but which also face a number of new problems (Austria and Bosnia‑Herzegovina); the Nordic country with the largest Islamic presence (Sweden); and a central European country which has a long history of immigration and a particular institutional nature (बेल्जियम). The last of these is also notable for its markedly local management of conflicts, which from a methodological perspective makes it an interesting control group.

चुनौतीपूर्ण निरंकुशवाद, उपनिवेशवाद, और फूट: अल अफगानी और रिदा के इस्लामी राजनीतिक सुधार आंदोलनों

अहमद अली सेलम

मुस्लिम दुनिया का पतन अधिकांश के यूरोपीय उपनिवेशीकरण से पहले हुआ

उन्नीसवीं सदी की अंतिम तिमाही में मुस्लिम भूमि और पहली
बीसवीं सदी की तिमाही. विशेष रूप से, ओटोमन साम्राज्य का
सत्ता और विश्व की स्थिति सत्रहवीं शताब्दी के बाद से बिगड़ती जा रही थी.
परंतु, मुस्लिम विद्वानों के लिए अधिक महत्वपूर्ण, मिलना बंद हो गया था

खिलाफत के रूप में अपनी स्थिति की कुछ बुनियादी आवश्यकताएं, सर्वोच्च और
संप्रभु राजनीतिक इकाई जिसके प्रति सभी मुसलमानों को वफादार होना चाहिए.
इसलिये, साम्राज्य के कुछ मुस्लिम विद्वानों और बुद्धिजीवियों ने बुलाया
पर यूरोपीय अतिक्रमण से पहले भी राजनीतिक सुधार के लिए
मुस्लिम भूमि. उन्होंने जिन सुधारों की परिकल्पना की थी, वे केवल इस्लामी नहीं थे, लेकिन
ओटोमैनिक भी - तुर्क ढांचे के भीतर से.

इन सुधारकों ने सामान्य रूप से मुस्लिम दुनिया के पतन को महसूस किया,

और विशेष रूप से ओटोमन साम्राज्य के, वृद्धि का परिणाम होना

शरीयत लागू करने की अवहेलना (इस्लामी कानून). तथापि, के बाद से

अठारहवीं सदी के अंत में, सुधारकों की बढ़ती संख्या, कभी-कभी समर्थित

तुर्क सुल्तानों द्वारा, साथ ही साम्राज्य में सुधार का आह्वान करने लगे

आधुनिक यूरोपीय लाइनें. अपनी भूमि की रक्षा करने में साम्राज्य की विफलता और

पश्चिम की चुनौतियों का सफलतापूर्वक जवाब देने से ही इस आह्वान को और बल मिला

"आधुनिकीकरण" सुधार के लिए, जो तंज़ीमत आंदोलन में अपने चरम पर पहुँच गया

उन्नीसवीं सदी के उत्तरार्ध में.

अन्य मुस्लिम सुधारकों ने मध्यम मार्ग का आह्वान किया. एक हाथ में,

उन्होंने स्वीकार किया कि खिलाफत को इस्लामी के अनुसार तैयार किया जाना चाहिए

मार्गदर्शन के स्रोत, विशेष रूप से कुरान और पैगंबर मुहम्मद के

शिक्षाओं (सुन्नाह), और वह उम्माह (विश्व मुस्लिम समुदाय)

एकता इस्लाम के राजनीतिक स्तंभों में से एक है. दूसरी ओर, उन्हें एहसास हुआ

साम्राज्य को फिर से जीवंत करने या इसे अधिक व्यवहार्य के साथ बदलने की आवश्यकता है. वास्तव में,

भविष्य के मॉडल पर उनके रचनात्मक विचारों में शामिल हैं, लेकिन सीमित नहीं थे, the

निम्नलिखित: तुर्की के नेतृत्व वाले तुर्क साम्राज्य की जगह एक अरब-नेतृत्व वाला साम्राज्य

खलीफा, एक संघीय या संघीय मुस्लिम खिलाफत का निर्माण, की स्थापना

मुस्लिम या प्राच्य राष्ट्रों का एक राष्ट्रमंडल, और एकजुटता को मजबूत करना

और स्वतंत्र मुस्लिम देशों के बीच सहयोग बनाए बिना

एक निश्चित संरचना. इन और इसी तरह के विचारों को बाद में के रूप में संदर्भित किया गया था

मुस्लिम लीग मॉडल, जो विभिन्न प्रस्तावों के लिए एक छत्र थीसिस थी

भविष्य के खिलाफत से संबंधित.

इस तरह के सुधार के दो पैरोकार जमाल अल-दीन अल-अफगानी और थे

मुहम्मद `अब्दुह, दोनों ने आधुनिक में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई

इस्लामी राजनीतिक सुधार आंदोलन।1 दोहरी चुनौती के प्रति उनकी प्रतिक्रिया

facing the Muslim world in the late nineteenth century – European colonization

and Muslim decline – was balanced. Their ultimate goal was to

इस्लामी रहस्योद्घाटन और लाभ को देखकर उम्मा को पुनर्जीवित करें

यूरोप की उपलब्धियों से. तथापि, वे कुछ पहलुओं पर असहमत थे

और तरीके, साथ ही तत्काल लक्ष्यों और रणनीतियों, सुधार का.

जबकि अल-अफगान ने मुख्य रूप से राजनीतिक सुधार के लिए बुलाया और संघर्ष किया,

'अब्दुह', एक बार उनके करीबी शिष्यों में से एक, अपने विचारों का विकास किया, कौन

शिक्षा पर जोर दिया और राजनीति को कम किया.




मिस्र में मुस्लिम ब्रदरहुड संगठनात्मक निरंतरता

Tess ली Eisenhart

As Egypt’s oldest and most prominent opposition movement, the Society of

Muslim Brothers, al-ikhwan al-muslimeen, has long posed a challenge to successive secular
regimes by offering a comprehensive vision of an Islamic state and extensive social
welfare services. में इसकी स्थापना के बाद से 1928, the Brotherhood (इखवान) has thrived in a
parallel religious and social services sector, generally avoiding direct confrontation with
ruling regimes.1 More recently over the past two decades, तथापि, the Brotherhood has
dabbled with partisanship in the formal political realm. This experiment culminated in
the election of the eighty-eight Brothers to the People’s Assembly in 2005—the largest
oppositional bloc in modern Egyptian history—and the subsequent arrests of nearly
1,000 Brothers.2 The electoral advance into mainstream politics provides ample fodder
for scholars to test theories and make predictions about the future of the Egyptian
शासन: will it fall to the Islamist opposition or remain a beacon of secularism in the
Arab world?
This thesis shies away from making such broad speculations. Instead, it explores

the extent to which the Muslim Brotherhood has adapted as an organization in the past
decade.

राष्ट्रवाद की मुस्लिम विश्व में जड़ें

शब्बीर अहमद

मुस्लिम जगत की विफलता के द्वारा किया गया विशेषता है, एकता का अभाव, रक्तपात, उत्पीड़न और पिछड़ेपन. वर्तमान में, दुनिया में कोई मुस्लिम देश ठीक ही मानव गतिविधि के किसी भी क्षेत्र में एक नेता होने का दावा कर सकते हैं. वास्तव में, the non-Muslims of the East and the West
now dictate the social, economic and political agenda for the Muslim Ummah.
और भी, the Muslims identify themselves as Turkish, अरब, African and Pakistani. If this is not enough, Muslims are further sub-divided within each country or continent. उदाहरण के लिए, in Pakistan people are classed as Punjabis, Sindhis, Balauchis and
Pathans. The Muslim Ummah was never faced with such a dilemma in the past during Islamic rule. They never suffered from disunity, widespread oppression, stagnation in science and technology and certainly not from the internal conflicts that we have witnessed this century like the Iran-Iraq war. So what has gone wrong with the Muslims this century? Why are there so many feuds between them and why are they seen to be fighting each other? What has caused their weakness and how will they ever recover from the present stagnation?
There are many factors that contributed to the present state of affairs, but the main ones are the abandoning of the Arabic language as the language of understanding Islam correctly and performing ijtihad, the absorption of foreign cultures such as the philosophies of the Greeks, Persian and the Hindus, the gradual loss of central authority over some of the provinces, and the rise of nationalism since the 19th Century.
This book focuses on the origins of nationalism in the Muslim world. Nationalism did not arise in the Muslim world naturally, nor did it came about in response to any hardships faced by the people, nor due to the frustration they felt when Europe started to dominate the world after the industrial revolution. बल्कि, nationalism was implanted in the minds of the Muslims through a well thought out scheme by the European powers, after their failure to destroy the Islamic State by force. The book also presents the Islamic verdict on nationalism and practical steps that can be taken to eradicate the disease of nationalism from the Muslim Ummah so as to restore it back to its former glory.

एक मुस्लिम द्वीपसमूह

अधिकतम एल. सकल

इस किताब को बनने में कई साल हो गए हैं, जैसा कि लेखक अपनी प्रस्तावना में बताते हैं, हालांकि उन्होंने सेंटर फॉर स्ट्रेटेजिक इंटेलिजेंस रिसर्च के सीनियर रिसर्च फेलो के रूप में अपने वर्ष के दौरान अधिकांश वास्तविक पाठ लिखे. लेखक कई वर्षों तक ज्वाइंट मिलिट्री इंटेलिजेंस कॉलेज में स्कूल ऑफ इंटेलिजेंस स्टडीज के डीन रहे. Even though it may appear that the book could have been written by any good historian or Southeast Asia regional specialist, this work is illuminated by the author’s more than three decades of service within the national Intelligence Community. His regional expertise often has been applied to special assessments for the Community. With a knowledge of Islam unparalleled among his peers and an unquenchable thirst for determining how the goals of this religion might play out in areas far from the focus of most policymakers’ current attention, the author has made the most of this opportunity to acquaint the Intelligence Community and a broader readership with a strategic appreciation of a region in the throes of reconciling secular and religious forces.
This publication has been approved for unrestricted distribution by the Office of Security Review, Department of Defense.

इस्लामी राजनीतिक चिंतन में लोकतंत्र

Azzam एस. Tamimi

लोकतंत्र दो शताब्दियों के बारे में आधुनिक अरब पुनर्जागरण की सुबह पहले के बाद से अरब राजनीतिक विचारकों बेचैन है. तब से, लोकतंत्र की अवधारणा बदल और अरब इस्लामी साहित्य में लोकतंत्र की सामाजिक और राजनीतिक developments.The चर्चा की एक किस्म के प्रभाव में विकसित Rifa'a Tahtawi करने के लिए वापस पता लगाया जा सकता है, लुईस अवाद के अनुसार मिस्र के लोकतंत्र के पिता,[3] जो पेरिस से काहिरा में अपनी वापसी प्रकाशित अपनी पहली पुस्तक के बाद शीघ्र ही, Takhlis अल Ibriz इला Talkhis Bariz, में 1834. पुस्तक शिष्टाचार के बारे में उनकी टिप्पणियों और आधुनिक फ्रेंच के सीमा शुल्क संक्षेप,[4] और लोकतंत्र की अवधारणा की सराहना के रूप में वह यह फ्रांस में देखा था और वह के माध्यम से अपनी रक्षा और आग्रह देखा के रूप में 1830 राजा चार्ल्स एक्स के खिलाफ क्रांति[5] Tahtawi पता चलता है कि लोकतांत्रिक अवधारणा वह अपने पाठकों के लिए समझा गया था इस्लाम के कानून के साथ संगत था की कोशिश की. उन्होंने कहा कि वैचारिक और विधिशास्त्र बहुलवाद की रूपों है कि इस्लामी अनुभव में ही अस्तित्व में करने के लिए राजनीतिक बहुलवाद की तुलना:
धार्मिक स्वतंत्रता विश्वास की स्वतंत्रता है, राय के और संप्रदाय के, बशर्ते कि यह धर्म के मूल सिद्धांतों का खंडन नहीं करता . . . एक ही प्रमुख प्रशासक के द्वारा राजनीतिक व्यवहार और विचार की स्वतंत्रता पर लागू होगा, व्याख्या और अपने-अपने देशों के कानूनों के अनुसार नियमों और प्रावधानों को लागू करने के प्रयास जो. किंग्स और मंत्रियों राजनीति के दायरे विभिन्न मार्गों कि अंत में एक उद्देश्य पूरा का पीछा करने में लाइसेंस प्राप्त कर रहे: अच्छा प्रशासन और न्याय।[6] इस संबंध में एक महत्वपूर्ण मील का पत्थर Khairuddin एट-तुनीसी के योगदान था (1810- 99), ट्यूनीशिया में 19 वीं सदी के सुधार आंदोलन के नेता, कौन, में 1867, एक पुस्तक हकदार Aqwam अल Masalik फाई Taqwim अल में सुधार के लिए एक सामान्य योजना तैयार की- Mamalik (सुधार सरकारों को सीधे पथ). पुस्तक के मुख्य परवा अरब दुनिया में राजनीतिक सुधार के सवाल से निपटने में था. नेताओं और अपने समय के क्रम में हर संभव साधन की तलाश करने के विद्वानों को अपील की स्थिति में सुधार के लिए एक ओर जहां
समुदाय और उसके सभ्यता का विकास, वह गलत धारणा के आधार पर दूसरे देशों के अनुभवों को छोड़ते के खिलाफ सामान्य मुस्लिम जनता को चेतावनी दी कि सभी लेखन, आविष्कार, अनुभवों या गैर-मुस्लिमों के नजरिए को अस्वीकार कर दिया या अवहेलना किया जाना चाहिए.
Khairuddin आगे निरंकुश शासन को समाप्त करने का आह्वान, वह जातियों के उत्पीड़न और सभ्यताओं के विनाश के लिए दोषी ठहराया जो.

Secularism, हेर्मेनेयुटिक्स, साम्राज्य और: इस्लामी सुधार की राजनीति

Saba Mahmood

Since the events of September 11, 2001, against the

backdrop of two decades of the ascendance of global religious politics, urgent
calls for the reinstatement of secularism have reached a crescendo that cannot
be ignored. The most obvious target of these strident calls is Islam, विशेष रूप से
those practices and discourses within Islam that are suspected of fostering fundamentalism
and militancy. It has become de rigueur for leftists and liberals alike
to link the fate of democracy in the Muslim world with the institutionalization

of secularism — both as a political doctrine and as a political ethic. This coupling
is now broadly echoed within the discourse emanating from the U.S. State
Department, particularly in its programmatic efforts to reshape and transform
“Islam from within.” In this essay, I will examine both the particular conception
of secularism that underlies the current consensus that Islam needs to be
reformed — that its secularization is a necessary step in bringing “democracy” to
the Muslim world — and the strategic means by which this programmatic vision is
being instituted today. Insomuch as secularism is a historically shifting category
with a variegated genealogy, my aim is not to secure an authoritative definition of
secularism or to trace its historical transformation within the United States or the
मुस्लिम दुनिया. My goal here is more limited: I want to sketch out the particular
understanding of secularism underlying contemporary American discourses on
इस्लाम, an understanding that is deeply shaped by U.S. security and foreign policy
concerns in the Muslim world.

इस्लामी राजनीतिक संस्कृति, प्रजातंत्र, और मानव अधिकार

डैनियल ए. मूल्य

यह तर्क दिया है कि इस्लाम अधिनायकवाद की सुविधा, इसके विपरीत

पश्चिमी समाजों के मूल्य, और महत्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक परिणामों को महत्वपूर्ण रूप से प्रभावित करता है

मुस्लिम देशों में. फलस्वरूप, विद्वानों, टिप्पणीकारों, और सरकार

अधिकारी अक्सर ''इस्लामी कट्टरवाद'' की ओर इशारा करते हैं

उदार लोकतंत्रों के लिए वैचारिक खतरा. यह दृश्य, तथापि, मुख्य रूप से आधारित है

ग्रंथों के विश्लेषण पर, इस्लामी राजनीतिक सिद्धांत, और तदर्थ अध्ययन

अलग-अलग देशों के, जो अन्य कारकों पर विचार नहीं करता. यह मेरा विवाद है

कि इस्लाम के ग्रंथ और परंपराएं, अन्य धर्मों की तरह,

विभिन्न राजनीतिक प्रणालियों और नीतियों का समर्थन करने के लिए इस्तेमाल किया जा सकता है. देश

विशिष्ट और वर्णनात्मक अध्ययन हमें ऐसे पैटर्न खोजने में मदद नहीं करते हैं जो मदद करेंगे

हम इस्लाम और राजनीति के बीच अलग-अलग संबंधों की व्याख्या करते हैं

countries of the Muslim world. इसलिए, a new approach to the study of the

connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam,

जनतंत्र, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much

emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first

use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay

between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages,

and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of

Islam on politics across eight nations.

पाकिस्तान के इस्लामीकरण

The Middle East Institute

जबसे 2007, पाकिस्तान, though not on the verge of becoming a failed state, nonetheless has been gripped by a series of interrelated crises. As the contributors to this volume demonstrate, Pakistan’s current travails have deep and tangled historical roots. They also demonstrate that Pakistan’s domestic situation historically has been influenced by, and has affected developments in neighboring countries as well as those farther afield.
The origins of many of Pakistan’s troubles today lie not just in the circumstances in which the state of Pakistan emerged, but in the manner in which various domestic political forces have defined and sought to advance their competing visions of the state since independence. Over the years, successive national political leaders, the military, and other actors have appropriated the symbols, institutions, tools of statecraft, and even the rhetoric of Pakistan’s founding father, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in order to advance their own narrow agendas.
As the contributors emphasize, much of the present turmoil in Pakistan dates from the late 1970s, when the rise to power of General Zia ul Haq and his Islamization program intersected with the momentous events of 1979, most importantly, the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
The 18 essays comprising this volume examine the tight interplay between these domestic and regional factors, discuss the key domestic and foreign policies adopted during the Zia years, and disclose the heavy cost that Pakistan and its people have borne as a consequence. Taken together, the essays present a grim, tragic account of the past 30 years — of a country’s founding creed violated, much of its resources misspent, and its social fabric rent. And they suggest an uncertain future. एक ही समय पर, तथापि, they point hopefully, if not confidently, to what Pakistan’s fragile civilian government must seek to reclaim and can achieve — provided that its leaders prove to be moderate, resourceful, and determined, and that the West (especially the United States) implements policies which support rather than undermine them.
In his Eid-ul-Azha Message to the Nation on October 24, 1947, Muhammad Ali Jinnah declared: “My message to you all is of hope, courage and confidence. Let us mobilize all our resources in a systematic and organized way and tackle the grave issues that confront us with grim determination and discipline worthy of a great nation.” More than a half-century has elapsed since Jinnah made this statement, yet the issues facing Pakistan are no less grave. One hopes that the current and next generation of Jinnah’s successors, together with Pakistan’s friends will be able to summon the necessary will and bolster the state’s capacity to deal with these issues effectively.

इस्लामी राजनीतिक संस्कृति, प्रजातंत्र, और मानव अधिकार

डैनियल ए. मूल्य

यह तर्क दिया है कि इस्लाम अधिनायकवाद की सुविधा, इसके विपरीत

पश्चिमी समाजों के मूल्य, और महत्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक परिणामों को महत्वपूर्ण रूप से प्रभावित करता है
मुस्लिम देशों में. फलस्वरूप, विद्वानों, टिप्पणीकारों, और सरकार
अधिकारी अक्सर ''इस्लामी कट्टरवाद'' की ओर इशारा करते हैं
उदार लोकतंत्रों के लिए वैचारिक खतरा. यह दृश्य, तथापि, मुख्य रूप से आधारित है
ग्रंथों के विश्लेषण पर, इस्लामी राजनीतिक सिद्धांत, और तदर्थ अध्ययन
अलग-अलग देशों के, जो अन्य कारकों पर विचार नहीं करता. यह मेरा विवाद है
कि इस्लाम के ग्रंथ और परंपराएं, अन्य धर्मों की तरह,
विभिन्न राजनीतिक प्रणालियों और नीतियों का समर्थन करने के लिए इस्तेमाल किया जा सकता है. देश
विशिष्ट और वर्णनात्मक अध्ययन हमें ऐसे पैटर्न खोजने में मदद नहीं करते हैं जो मदद करेंगे
हम इस्लाम और राजनीति के बीच अलग-अलग संबंधों की व्याख्या करते हैं
countries of the Muslim world. इसलिए, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam,
जनतंत्र, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much
emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first
use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay
between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages,

and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of

Islam on politics across eight nations.

अमेरिका में इस्लामी आस्था

जेम्स ए. Beverley

अमेरिका से शुरू सबसे सब समय के धार्मिक विविध राष्ट्र की एक नई सहस्राब्दी एक के रूप में. कहीं और दुनिया में क्या इतने सारे लोगों को एक से मुक्त विकल्प की पेशकश सरकार प्रभाव धार्मिक और आध्यात्मिक समुदायों के ऐसे एक विस्तृत श्रृंखला के साथ की पहचान. कहीं और अर्थ तो अलग किया गया है के लिए मानव खोज है. In America today, there are communities and centers for worship representing all of the world’s religions.
The American landscape is dotted with churches, temples, synagogues, and mosques. Zen Buddhist zendos sit next to Pentecostal tabernacles. Hasidic Jews walk the streets with Hindu swamis. Most amazing of all, relatively little conflict has occurred among religions in America. This fact, combined with a high level of tolerance of each other’s beliefs and practices, has let America produce people of goodwill ready to try to resolve any tensions that might emerge. The Faith in America series celebrates America’s diverse religious heritage.
People of faith and ideals who longed for a better world have created a unique society where freedom of religious expression is a keynote of culture. The freedom that America offers to people of faith means that not only have ancient religions found a home
here, but that newer ways of expressing spirituality have also taken root. From huge churches in large cities to small spiritual communities in towns and villages, faith in America has never been stronger. The paths that different religions have taken through
American history is just one of the stories readers will find in this series. Like anything people create, religion is far from perfect. तथापि, its contribution to the culture and its ability to help people are impressive, and these accomplishments will be found in all the books in the series. Meanwhile, awareness and tolerance of the different paths our neighbors take to the spiritual life has become an increasingly important part of citizenship in America.
Today, more than ever, America as a whole puts its faith in freedom—the freedom to believe.