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Islam Cymedrol a Radical

ANGEL RABASA

One of the components of this study is relevant to a question that I was asked to address,which is how radical Islam differs from moderate or mainstream Islam. Frankly, one ofthe problems that we have found in the discourse about Islam is that the terms “radical”or “moderate” are often used in a subjective and imprecise way, without going through aprocess of critically examining what these terms mean. In some cases, the term radical ormilitant is defined in terms of support for terrorism or other forms of violence. Webelieve that this is too narrow a focus, that there is, in fact, a much larger universe offundamentalist or Salafi groups who may not themselves practice violence, but thatpropagate an ideology that creates the conditions for violence and that is subversive ofthe values of democratic societies.

Heriau i Ddemocratiaeth yn y Byd Arabaidd a Mwslemaidd

Alon Ben-Meir

President Bush’s notions that democratizing Iraq will have a ripple effect on the rest ofthe Arab world, bringing prosperity and peace to the region, and that democracy is the panaceafor Islamic terrorism are unsubstantiated as well as grossly misleading. Even a cursory review of the Arab political landscape indicates that the rise of democracy will not automatically translateinto the establishment of enduring liberal democracies or undermine terrorism in the region. Thesame conclusion may be generally made for the Muslim political landscape. Mewn gwirionedd, given theopportunity to compete freely and fairly in elections, Islamic extremist organizations will mostlikely emerge triumphant. In the recent elections in Lebanon and Egypt, Hezbollah and the Muslim Brotherhood respectively, won substantial gains, and in Palestine Hamas won thenational Parliamentary elections handedly. That they did so is both a vivid example of the today’spolitical realities and an indicator of future trends. And if current sentiments in the Arab statesoffer a guide, any government formed by elected Islamist political parties will be more antagonistic to the West than the authoritarian regimes still in power. In addition, there are noindications that democracy is a prerequisite to defeating terrorism or any empirical data tosupport the claim of linkage between existing authoritarian regimes and terrorism.

Mae'r Ikhwan yng Ngogledd America: Hanes Cryno

Douglas Farah

Ron Sandee


The current federal court case against the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development (HLF) in Dallas, Texas,1 offers an unprecedented inside look into the history of the Muslim Brotherhood in the United States, as well as its goals and structure. The documents discuss recruitment, organization, ideology and the development of the organization in different phases in the United States. The prosecution in the case has presented many internal Muslim Brotherhood documents from the 1980’s and early 1990’s that give a first-ever, public view of the history and ideology behind the operations of the Muslim Brothers (known as the Ikhwan or The Group) in the U.S. over the past four decades. For researchers, the documents have the added weight of being written by the Ikhwan leaders themselves, rather than interpretations of secondary sources.

The Muslim Brotherhood in Belgium

Steve Merley,
uwch Ddadansoddwr


The Global Muslim Brotherhood has been present in Europe since 1960 when SaidRamadan, the grandson of Hassan Al-Banna, founded a mosque in Munich.1 Since that time,Brotherhood organizations have been established in almost all of the EU countries, as well asnon-EU countries such as Russia and Turkey. Despite operating under other names, some ofthe organizations in the larger countries are recognized as part of the global MuslimBrotherhood. For example, the Union des Organizations Islamiques de France (UOIF) isgenerally regarded as part of the Muslim Brotherhood in France. The network is alsobecoming known in some of the smaller countries such as the Netherlands, where a recentNEFA Foundation report detailed the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in that country.2Neighboring Belgium has also become an important center for the Muslim Brotherhood inEurope. A 2002 report by the Intelligence Committee of the Belgian Parliament explainedhow the Brotherhood operates in Belgium:“The State Security Service has been following the activities of the InternationalMuslim Brotherhood in Belgium since 1982. The International MuslimBrotherhood has had a clandestine structure for nearly 20 years. The identityof the members is secret; they operate in the greatest discretion. They seek tospread their ideology within the Islamic community of Belgium and they aimin particular at the young people of the second and third generation ofimmigrants. In Belgium as in other European countries, they try to take controlof the religious, social, and sports associations and establish themselves asprivileged interlocutors of the national authorities in order to manage Islamicaffairs. The Muslim Brotherhood assumes that the national authorities will bepressed more and more to select Muslim leaders for such management and,in this context, they try to insert within the representative bodies, individualsinfluenced by their ideology.

The Muslim Brotherhood in Europe

Brigi Marshal t chi
Shumuliyyat al-islam (Islam as encompassing every aspect of life) is the first of twenty principles laid out by the
founder of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, Hassan al-Banna, to teach his followers the proper understanding
of Islam. Even though this principle, usually translated as the “comprehensive way of life,” still remains integral
to the teachings of the members of the Brotherhood, both in Egypt and in Europe, it is strangely enough
neither commented upon in scholarly references nor by the wider public. When the Federation of Islamic
Organizations in Europe (FIOE, representing the Muslim Brotherhood movement at the European level) presented the European Muslim Charter to the international press in January 2008, none pinpointed this “universal dimension” of their understanding of Islam despite the potential tensions or even incompatibilities, both political and
legal, that this concept might have on a discourse on integration and citizenship. What do the Muslim Brothers traditionally say about this concept and how do they justify their call for it? What are its constituents
and the scope of its application? Are there any significant modifications to the concept in attempting to contextualize it within a pluralist Europe?

UDA y Frawdoliaeth Fwslimaidd. Rhwydwaith

Zeyno Baran


Washington D.C. has suddenly become very interested in the Muslim Brotherhood. American policymakers are debating whether to engage non-violent elements of the Muslim Brotherhood network, both inside and outside the United States, in the hope that such engagement will empower these “moderates” against violent Wahhabi and Salafi groups such as al-Qaeda. Unfortunately, this strategy is based on a false assumption: that “moderate” Islamist groups will confront and weaken their violent co-religionists, robbing them of their support base.
This lesser-of-two-evils strategy is reminiscent of the rationale behind the Cold War-era decision to support the Afghan mujahideen against the Soviet army. In the short term, the U.S. alliance with the mujahideen did indeed aid America in its struggle against the Soviet Union. In the long term, fodd bynnag, U.S. support led to the empowerment of a dangerous and potent adversary. In choosing its allies, the U.S. cannot afford to elevate short-term tactical considerations above longer-term strategic ones. Most importantly, the U.S. must consider the ideology of any potential partners.
Although various Islamist groups do quarrel over tactics and often bear considerable animosity towards one another, they all agree on the endgame: a world dictated by political Islam. A “divide and conquer” strategy by the United States will only push them closer together.

Concwest y Frawdoliaeth Fwslimaidd o Ewrop

Lorenzo Vidino


Since its founding in 1928, y Frawdoliaeth Fwslimaidd (Hizb al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun) has profoundly influenced the political life of the Middle East. Its motto is telling: “Allah is our objective. The Prophet is our leader. The Qur’an is our law. Jihad is our way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope.

While the Brotherhood’s radical ideas have shaped the beliefs of generations of Islamists, over the past two decades, it has lost some of its power and appeal in the Middle East, crushed by harsh repression from local regimes and snubbed by the younger generations of Islamists who often prefer more radical organizations.

But the Middle East is only one part of the Muslim world. Europe has become an incubator for Islamist thought and political development. Since the early 1960s, Muslim Brotherhood members and sympathizers have moved to Europe and slowly but steadily established a wide and well-organized network of mosques, charities, and Islamic organizations. Unlike the larger Islamic community, the Muslim Brotherhood’s ultimate goal may not be simplyto help Muslims be the best citizens they can be,” but rather to extend Islamic law throughout Europe and the United States.[2]

Four decades of teaching and cultivation have paid off. The student refugees who migrated from the Middle East forty years ago and their descendants now lead organizations that represent the local Muslim communities in their engagement with Europe’s political elite. Funded by generous contributors from the Persian Gulf, they preside over a centralized network that spans nearly every European country.

These organizations represent themselves as mainstream, even as they continue to embrace the Brotherhood’s radical views and maintain links to terrorists. With moderate rhetoric and well-spoken German, Iseldireg, and French, they have gained acceptance among European governments and media alike. Politicians across the political spectrum rush to engage them whenever an issue involving Muslims arises or, more parochially, when they seek the vote of the burgeoning Muslim community.

But, speaking Arabic or Turkish before their fellows Muslims, they drop their facade and embrace radicalism. While their representatives speak about interfaith dialogue and integration on television, their mosques preach hate and warn worshippers about the evils of Western society. While they publicly condemn the murder of commuters in Madrid and school children in Russia, they continue to raise money for Hamas and other terrorist organizations. Europeans, eager to create a dialogue with their increasingly disaffected Muslim minority, overlook this duplicity. The case is particularly visible in Germany, which retains a place of key importance in Europe, not only because of its location at the heart of Europe, but also because it played host to the first major wave of Muslim Brotherhood immigrants and is host to the best-organized Brotherhood presence. The German government’s reaction is also instructive if only to show the dangers of accepting Muslim Brotherhood rhetoric at face value, without looking at the broader scope of its activities.

Qutbism: Ideoleg o Ffasgaeth Islamaidd

DALE C. Eikmeier

The recently published National Military Strategic Plan for the War onTerrorism (NMSP-WOT) is to be commended for identifying “ideology”as al Qaeda’s center of gravity.1 The identification of an ideology as thecenter of gravity rather than an individual or group is a significant shift froma“capture and kill” philosophy to a strategy focused on defeating the rootcause of Islamic terrorism. Accordingly, the plan’s principal focus is on attackingand countering an ideology that fuels Islamic terrorism. Unfortunately,the NMSP-WOT fails to identify the ideology or suggest ways tocounter it. The plan merely describes the ideology as “extremist.” This descriptioncontributes little to the public’s understanding of the threat or to thecapabilities of the strategist who ultimately must attack and defeat it. The intentof this article is to identify the ideology of the Islamic terrorists and recommendhow to successfully counter it.Sun Tzuwisely said, “Know the enemy and know yourself; in a hundredbattles you will never be in peril.”2 Our success in theWar on Terrorismdepends on knowingwho the enemy is and understanding his ideology.While characterizing and labeling an enemymay serve such a purpose, it is only usefulif the labels are clearly defined and understood. Otherwise, overly broadcharacterizations obscure our ability to truly “know the enemy,” they diffuseefforts, and place potential allies and neutrals in the enemy’s camp. Unfortunately,theWar on Terrorism’s use of labels contributes a great deal to themisunderstandingsassociated with the latter. The fact is, five years after 9/11 theNMSP-WOT provides little specific guidance, other than labeling the enemyas extremist.3 This inability to focus on the specific threat and its supportingphilosophy reflects our own rigid adherence to political correctness and is beingexploited bymilitant Islamists portraying these overly broad descriptionsas a war against Islam.As David F. Forte states “Wemust not fail . . . to distinguishbetween the homicidal revolutionaries like bin Laden and mainstreamMuslim believers.

Mudiadau Terfysgaeth ac Eithafol yn y Dwyrain Canol

Anthony H. Cordesman

Prin fod terfysgaeth a rhyfela anghymesur yn nodweddion newydd o gydbwysedd milwrol y Dwyrain Canol, ac Islamaidd
go brin mai eithafiaeth yw’r unig ffynhonnell o drais eithafol. Mae yna lawer o wahaniaethau ethnig a sectyddol difrifol
yn y Dwyrain Canol, ac mae'r rhain wedi arwain ers amser maith at drais achlysurol o fewn gwladwriaethau penodol, ac weithiau i sifil mawr
gwrthdaro. Mae'r rhyfeloedd cartref yn Yemen a Gwrthryfel Dhofar yn Oman yn enghreifftiau, fel y mae hanes hir sifil
rhyfel yn Libanus ac ataliad treisgar Syria o grwpiau gwleidyddol Islamaidd a oedd yn gwrthwynebu cyfundrefn Hafez al-
Asad. Grym cynyddol Sefydliad Rhyddhad Palestina (PLO) arweiniodd at ryfel cartref yn yr Iorddonen ym mis Medi
1970. Chwyldro Iran yn 1979 yn cael ei ddilyn gan ymladd gwleidyddol difrifol, ac ymdrech i allforio theocratic
chwyldro a helpodd i sbarduno Rhyfel Iran-Irac. Mae Bahrain a Saudi Arabia ill dau wedi cael gwrthdaro sifil rhwng eu
Arweiniodd Sunni oedd yn rheoli elites a Shi’ites gelyniaethus ac arweiniodd y gwrthdaro hyn at drais sylweddol yn achos Saudi Arabia.
Yno hefyd, fodd bynnag, wedi bod yn hanes hir o eithafiaeth Islamaidd treisgar yn y rhanbarth, weithiau'n cael ei annog gan
cyfundrefnau a ddaeth yn ddiweddarach yn darged yr union Islamyddion yr oeddent yn eu cefnogi i ddechrau. Ceisiodd Sadat ddefnyddio Islamaidd
symudiadau yn wrthwynebol i'w wrthwynebiad seciwlar yn yr Aipht yn unig i gael ei lofruddio gan un symudiad o'r fath ar ei ol
cytundeb heddwch ag Israel. Roedd Israel yn meddwl ei bod yn ddiogel noddi symudiadau Islamaidd ar ôl hynny 1967 fel cownter i'r
PLO, dim ond i weld ymddangosiad cyflym o grwpiau treisgar gwrth-Israel. Gogledd a De Yemen oedd lleoliad
coups a rhyfeloedd cartref ers y 1960au cynnar, a rhyfel cartref yn Ne Yemen a arweiniodd at y cwymp yn y pen draw
o'i gyfundrefn a'i chyfuniad â Gogledd Yemen yn 1990.
Arweiniodd cwymp y shah at feddiant Islamaidd yn Iran, ac ysgogwyd gwrthwynebiad i'r goresgyniad Sofietaidd yn Afghanistan
adwaith Islamaidd sy'n dal i ddylanwadu ar y Dwyrain Canol a'r byd Islamaidd cyfan. Roedd yn rhaid i Saudi Arabia ddelio â
gwrthryfel yn y Grand Mosg ym Mecca yn 1979. Rhannodd cymeriad crefyddol y gwrthryfel hwn lawer o elfennau
o'r symudiadau a gododd ar ôl i'r Sofietiaid dynnu'n ôl o Afghanistan a Rhyfel y Gwlff yn 1991.
Ymdrechion Algeriaidd i atal buddugoliaeth pleidiau gwleidyddol Islamaidd mewn etholiad democrataidd yn 1992 yn cael eu dilyn gan
rhyfel cartref sydd wedi para byth ers hynny. Ymladdodd yr Aifft frwydr hir a llwyddiannus i raddau helaeth gyda'i Islamaidd ei hun
eithafwyr yn y 1990au, ond nid yw yr Aifft ond wedi llwyddo i atal y fath symudiadau yn hytrach na'u dileu
nhw. Yng ngweddill y Byd Arabaidd, helpodd y rhyfeloedd cartref yn Kosovo a Bosnia i greu cadres eithafol Islamaidd newydd.
Roedd Saudi Arabia yn dioddef o ddau ymosodiad terfysgol mawr o'r blaen 2001. Tarodd yr ymosodiadau hyn at Warchodlu Cenedlaethol
Canolfan hyfforddi a barics USAF yn Al Khobar, ac ymddengys fod o leiaf un yn ganlyniad Islamaidd
eithafwyr. Moroco, Libya, Tunisia, Jordan, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, ac mae Yemen i gyd wedi gweld Islamaidd llinell galed
symudiadau yn dod yn fygythiad cenedlaethol difrifol.
Er nad yw'n rhan uniongyrchol o'r rhanbarth, mae'r Swdan wedi ymladd rhyfel cartref 15 mlynedd o hyd sydd wedi costio mwy na dau yn ôl pob tebyg
miliwn o fywydau, ac yr oedd y rhyfel hwn wedi cael ei gefnogi gan elfenau Islamaidd llinell galed yn y gogledd Arabaidd. Mae Somalia hefyd wedi
wedi bod yn lleoliad rhyfel cartref ers hynny 1991 sydd wedi caniatáu i gelloedd Islamaidd weithredu yn y wlad honno.a

Prin fod terfysgaeth a rhyfela anghymesur yn nodweddion newydd o gydbwysedd milwrol y Dwyrain Canol, ac go brin mai Islamicextremiaeth yw unig ffynhonnell trais eithafol. Mae llawer o wahaniaethau ethnig a sectyddol difrifol yn y Dwyrain Canol, ac mae'r rhain wedi arwain ers amser maith at drais achlysurol o fewn gwladwriaethau penodol, ac weithiau i wrthdaro sifil mawr. Mae'r rhyfeloedd cartref yn Yemen a Gwrthryfel Dhofar yn Oman yn enghreifftiau, felly hefyd hanes hir rhyfel cartref yn Libanus a Syria yn atal grwpiau gwleidyddol Islamaidd a oedd yn gwrthwynebu cyfundrefn Hafez al-Asad yn dreisgar.. Grym cynyddol Sefydliad Rhyddhad Palestina (PLO) arweiniodd at ryfel cartref yn yr Iorddonen ym Medi 1970. Chwyldro Iran yn 1979 yn cael ei ddilyn gan ymladd gwleidyddol difrifol, ac ymdrech i allforio chwyldro theocratic a helpodd i sbarduno Rhyfel Iran-Irac. Mae Bahrain a Saudi Arabia ill dau wedi cael gwrthdaro sifil rhwng yr elites sy’n rheoli Sunni a Shi’ites gelyniaethus ac arweiniodd y gwrthdaro hyn at drais sylweddol yn achos Saudi Arabia., fodd bynnag, wedi bod yn hanes hir o eithafiaeth Islamaidd treisgar yn y rhanbarth, weithiau annog byregimes a ddaeth yn ddiweddarach yn darged yr union Islamists yr oeddent yn eu cefnogi i ddechrau. Ceisiodd Sadat ddefnyddio symudiadau Islamaidd i wrthwynebu ei wrthwynebiad seciwlar yn yr Aifft dim ond i gael ei lofruddio gan un mudiad o'r fath ar ôl cytundeb ei heddwch ag Israel. Roedd Israel yn meddwl ei bod yn ddiogel noddi symudiadau Islamaidd ar ôl hynny 1967 fel cownter i'r PLO, dim ond i weld ymddangosiad cyflym o grwpiau treisgar gwrth-Israel. Gogledd a De Yemen oedd lleoliad coups a rhyfeloedd cartref ers y 1960au cynnar, a rhyfel cartref yn Ne Yemen a arweiniodd yn y pen draw at ddymchwel ei threfn a'i huno â Gogledd Yemen yn 1990. Arweiniodd cwymp y shah at feddiant Islamaidd yn Iran, ac ysgogodd gwrthwynebiad i oresgyniad y Sofietiaid yn Afghanistan adwaith Islamaidd sy'n dal i ddylanwadu ar y Dwyrain Canol a'r byd Islamaidd cyfan. Bu'n rhaid i Saudi Arabia ddelio â gwrthryfel yn y Grand Mosg ym Mecca yn 1979. Roedd cymeriad crefyddol y gwrthryfel hwn yn rhannu llawer o elfennau o'r symudiadau a gododd ar ôl i'r Sofietiaid dynnu'n ôl o Afghanistan a Rhyfel y Gwlff ym 1991. Ymdrechion Algeria i atal buddugoliaeth pleidiau gwleidyddol Islamaidd mewn etholiad democrataidd yn 1992 yn cael eu dilyn gan ryfel cartref sydd wedi para byth ers hynny. Ymladdodd yr Aifft frwydr hir a llwyddiannus i raddau helaeth gyda'i heithafwyr Islamicaidd ei hun yn y 1990au, ond nid yw'r Aifft ond wedi llwyddo i atal symudiadau o'r fath yn hytrach na'u dileu. Yng ngweddill y Byd Arabaidd, helpodd y rhyfeloedd cartref yn Kosovo a Bosnia i greu cadres eithafol Islamaidd newydd. Dioddefodd Saudi Arabia o ddau ymosodiad terfysgol mawr o'r blaen 2001. Tarodd yr ymosodiadau hyn mewn canolfan Hyfforddi Gwarchodlu Cenedlaethol a barics USAF yn Al Khobar, ac ymddengys fod o leiaf un yn ganlyniad Islamicextremists. Moroco, Libya, Tunisia, Jordan, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, ac mae Yemen i gyd wedi gweld symudiadau Islamaidd llinell galed yn dod yn fygythiad cenedlaethol difrifol. Er nad ydynt yn rhan uniongyrchol o'r rhanbarth, mae'r Swdan wedi ymladd rhyfel cartref 15 mlynedd o hyd sydd fwy na thebyg wedi costio dros ddwy filiwn o fywydau, ac yr oedd y rhyfel hwn wedi cael ei gefnogi gan elfenau Islamaidd llinell galed yn y gogledd Arabaidd. Mae Somalia hefyd wedi bod yn lleoliad rhyfel cartref ers hynny 1991 mae hynny wedi caniatáu i gelloedd Islamaidd weithredu yn y wlad honno.

Marwolaeth Islam Wleidyddol

Jon B. Alterman

The obituaries for political Islam have begun to be written. After years of seemingly unstoppablegrowth, Islamic parties have begun to stumble. In Morocco, the Justice and DevelopmentParty (or PJD) did far worse than expected in last September’s elections, and Jordan’sIslamic Action Front lost more than half its seats in last month’s polling. The eagerly awaitedmanifesto of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, a draft of which appeared last September,showed neither strength nor boldness. Instead, it suggested the group was beset by intellectualcontradictions and consumed by infighting.It is too early to declare the death of political Islam, as it was premature to proclaim therebirth of liberalism in the Arab world in 2003-04, but its prospects seem notably dimmerthan they did even a year ago.To some, the fall from grace was inevitable; political Islam has collapsed under its owncontradictions, they say. They argue that, in objective terms, political Islam was never morethan smoke and mirrors. Religion is about faith and truth, and politics are about compromiseand accommodation. Seen this way, political Islam was never a holy enterprise, butmerely an effort to boost the political prospects of one side in a political debate. Backed byreligious authority and legitimacy, opposition to Islamists’ will ceased to be merely political—it became heresy—and the Islamists benefited.These skeptics see political Islam as having been a useful way to protect political movements,cow political foes, and rally support. As a governing strategy, fodd bynnag, they arguethat political Islam has not produced any successes. In two areas where it recently rose topower, the Palestinian Authority and Iraq, governance has been anemic. In Iran, where themullahs have been in power for almost three decades, clerics struggle for respect and thecountry hemorrhages money to Dubai and other overseas markets with more predictablerules and more positive returns. The most avowedly religious state in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia, has notably less intellectual freedom than many of its neighbors, and the guardiansof orthodoxy there carefully circumscribe religious thought. As the French scholar of Islam,Olivier Roy, memorably observed more than a decade ago, the melding of religion and politics did not sanctify politics, it politicizedreligion.But while Islam has not provided a coherent theory of governance, let alone a universally accepted approach to the problems ofhumanity, the salience of religion continues to grow among many Muslims.That salience goes far beyond issues of dress, which have become more conservative for both women and men in recent years, andbeyond language, which invokes God’s name far more than was the case a decade ago. It also goes beyond the daily practice ofIslam—from prayer to charity to fasting—all of which are on the upswing.What has changed is something even more fundamental than physical appearance or ritual practice, and that is this: A growingnumber of Muslims start from the proposition that Islam is relevant to all aspects of their daily lives, and not merely the province oftheology or personal belief.Some see this as a return to traditionalism in the Middle East, when varying measures of superstition and spirituality governed dailylife. More accurately, though, what we are seeing is the rise of “neo-traditionalism,” in which symbols and slogans of the past areenlisted in the pursuit of hastening entry into the future. Islamic finance—which is to say, finance that relies on shares and returnsrather than interest—is booming, and sleek bank branches contain separate entrances for men and women. Slick young televangelistsrely on the tropes of sanctifying the everyday and seeking forgiveness, drawing tens of thousands to their meetings and televisionaudiences in the millions. Music videos—viewable on YouTube—implore young viewers to embrace faith and turn away froma meaningless secular life.Many in the West see secularism and relativism as concrete signs of modernity. In the Middle East, many see them as symbols ofa bankrupt secular nationalist past that failed to deliver justice or development, freedom or progress. The suffering of secularism ismeaningless, but the discipline of Islam is filled with signficance.It is for this reason that it is premature to declare the death of political Islam. Islam, increasingly, cannot be contained. It is spreadingto all aspects of life, and it is robust among some of the most dynamic forces in the Middle East. It enjoys state subsidies to be sure,but states have little to do with the creativity occurring in the religious field.The danger is that this Islamization of public life will cast aside what little tolerance is left in the Middle East, after centuries asa—fundamentally Islamic—multicultural entrepôt. It is hard to imagine how Islamizing societies can flourish if they do not embraceinnovation and creativity, diversity and difference. “Islamic” is not a self-evident concept, as my friend Mustapha Kamal Pasha onceobserved, but it cannot be a source of strength in modern societies if it is tied to ossified and parochial notions of its nature.Dealing with difference is fundamentally a political task, and it is here that political Islam will face its true test. The formal structuresof government in the Middle East have proven durable, and they are unlikely to crumble under a wave of Islamic activism. For politicalIslam to succeed, it needs to find a way to unite diverse coalitions of varying faiths and degrees of faith, not merely speak to itsbase. It has not yet found a way to do so, but that is not to say that it cannot.

TERORRIST DIASPORAS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND SOUTH ASIA

Shannon Peterson

David Goetze


Ever since the Bush administration’s declaration of a global war on terror after 9/11,academics and policymakers have sought ways to counter the global terrorist threat. However asJeffrey Record (2003) has noted, treating terrorism monolithically and failing to discriminatebetween terrorist groups and other actors reduces the ability to produce effectivecounterterrorism strategies. Moreover, it can set actors “on a course of open-ended andgratuitous conflict with states and nonstate entities that pose no serious threat.” If terrorism andterrorist groups are not homogenous entities, then understanding the differences and similaritiesbetween groups is a crucial first step in constructing an effective counterterrorist response.This research seeks to better discriminate between terrorist groups by examining thegoals, tactics and images embedded in the narratives of terrorist or terrorist spawningorganizations. We define narratives as shared understandings of historical events and relevantactors that are used to justify past political actions or mobilize people for contemporary politicalactions as generally expressed through descriptions or charters issued by organizations orthrough statements of organizational leaders.2 Narrative, as noted by Benedict Anderson, formsthe underbelly of an “imagined community:” the glue binding a group of like-minded individualswho, “will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet inthe minds of each lives the image of their communion” (Anderson 6). Consequently, we believethat narratives are excellent sources for uncovering group conceptions of “self” and “others” thatare key in attracting and maintaining ties to diaspora communities, as well as related group goals,strategies and tactics. We argue that by comparing the goals, images and tactics embedded in thenarratives of these different organizations, we can shed insight on crucial differences andsimilarities between these terrorist groups. These insights not only help discriminate betweenterrorist groups and other organizations, but also shed insight on the evolution of suchorganizations themselves.Specifically, this research examines the narratives of four groups: the MuslimBrotherhood, Hamas, Al Qaeda and the Tamil Tigers. Two of these groups, Hamas and AlQaeda, have roots in the Muslim Brotherhood and therefore can be viewed as diasporas of thelatter. However, while the Muslim Brotherhood takes an evolutionary and nonviolent approachto goal attainment, Hamas and Al Qaeda advocate violence and terrorism to advance their cause,tactics that are also promoted by the fourth group in the analysis, the Tamil Tigers. Since theTamil Tigers have no connection with the Muslim Brotherhood, their inclusion in ourcomparative analysis allows us to determine how much of the commonality of goals acrossterrorist organizations pertains to common roots and how much pertains to commonality oforganizational type, function or tactics.

Islamic Movements and the Use of Violence:

Esen Kirdis

.


Despite recent academic and popular focus on violent transnational Islamic terrorist networks,there is a multiplicity of Islamic movements. This multiplicity presents scholars with two puzzles. The first puzzle is understanding why domestic-oriented Islamic movements that were formed as a reaction to the establishment of secular nation-states shifted their activities and targets onto a multi-layered transnational space. The second puzzle is understanding why groups with similar aims and targets adopt different strategies of using violence or nonviolence when they “go transnational.” The two main questions that this paper will address are: Why do Islamic movements go transnational? And, why do they take on different forms when they transnationalize? First, I argue that the transnational level presents a new political venue for Islamic movements which are limited in their claim making at the domestic level. Second, I argue that transnationalization creates uncertainty for groups about their identity and claims at the transnational level. The medium adopted, i.e. use of violence versus non-violence, is dependent on type of transnationalization, the actors encounter at the transnational level, and leadership’s interpretations on where the movement should go next. To answer my questions, I will look at four cases: (1) Turkish Islam, (2) y Frawdoliaeth Fwslimaidd, (3) Jemaah Islamiyah, a (4) Tablighi Jamaat

Y Frawdoliaeth Fwslimaidd yn yr Unol Daleithiau

MBusThe leadership of the U.S. Fwslimaidd Frawdoliaeth (MB, or Ikhwan) has said that its goal
was and is jihad aimed at destroying the U.S. from within. The Brotherhood leadership has
also said that the means of achieving this goal is to establish Islamic organizations in the
U.S. under the control of the Muslim Brotherhood. Since the early 1960s, the Brotherhood has
constructed an elaborate covert organizational infrastructure on which was built a set of public or
“front” organizations. The current U.S. Brotherhood leadership has attempted to deny this history,
both claiming that it is not accurate and at the same time that saying that it represents an older
form of thought inside the Brotherhood. An examination of public and private Brotherhood documents,
fodd bynnag, indicates that this history is both accurate and that the Brotherhood has taken
no action to demonstrate change in its mode of thought and/or activity.sss

Steven MerleyMBus

The leadership of the U.S. Fwslimaidd Frawdoliaeth (MB, or Ikhwan) has said that its goal was and is jihad aimed at destroying the U.S. from within.

The Brotherhood leadership has also said that the means of achieving this goal is to establish Islamic organizations in the U.S. under the control of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Since the early 1960s, the Brotherhood has constructed an elaborate covert organizational infrastructure on which was built a set of public or “front” organizations.

The current U.S. Brotherhood leadership has attempted to deny this history, both claiming that it is not accurate and at the same time that saying that it represents an older form of thought inside the Brotherhood.

An examination of public and private Brotherhood documents, fodd bynnag, indicates that this history is both accurate and that the Brotherhood has taken no action to demonstrate change in its mode of thought and/or activity.